Also called Benin City (see map) or Ile Ibinu. ^[1] “The population of Benin Division, which we equate with the Benin kingdom, was reckoned at about 292,000 in the 1952 census. Some 54,000 of these lived in the capital, Benin City”. ^[2]

[1]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 4. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[2]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 8. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

Alternative Name:
Kingdom of Benin

Confident

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Temporal Bounds

Peak Years:
[1,480 CE ➜ 1,590 CE]

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“In the late fifteenth century Benin was a well-established state with a large army conducting long campaigns far afield. It was already approaching the peak of its power and prosperity.” ^[1] “The last three centuries of Benin’s independence saw a gradual shrinking of the area from which its government could enforce delivery of tribute and military service and secure safe passage for Benin traders, though this decline was by no means uninterrupted.” ^[2] Oba Ewuare reigned c. 1428–1455, Ozolua c. 1482–1509, Esigie c. 1509–1536. “At the high point of imperial expansion - the reigns of Eware, Ozolua, and Esigie - north-south trade was reaching levels never before attained, and such commerce continued to expand until c. 1590.” ^[3]

[1]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 5. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[2]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 4. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[3]: Sargent, R. A. (1986). From A Redistribution to an Imperial Social Formation: Benin c.1293-1536. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 20(3), 402–427: 415. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AUEZSTBR/collection

Duration:
[1,140 CE ➜ 1,897 CE]

Confident Disputed

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The beginnings of the empire are much debated, with most scholars offering broad date ranges. I’ve coded only specific years scholars mentioned. “[M]odern Benin chroniclers are inclined to date the advent of Oranmiyan to Benin about 1170-1200 (Egharevba 1960:6-8, 75; Egharevba 1965:18; Ebolion 1972:8; Eweka 1989:15-16). An exception to the rule are the most apologetically and nationalistically minded writers. Being very far from genuine scholars, they believe in the validity of even earlier dates (e.g., Ugowe 1997:6- 7). Remarkably, several years before Egharevba, the Englishman Palmer dated traditional relations of these events to the same time, "about 1200" (Palmer 1928:87). In the meantime, his compatriot Talbot, who also recorded oral traditions of the Bini in the 1920s, dated the rise of the Second dynasty to 1300 (Talbot 1926:1:153). Ife native historians wrote that Oranmiyan lived either in the eleventh century (Biobaku 1958:65-66) or between 1200 and 1300 (Fabunmi 1985:72). // “There has been no unanimity on this point among scholars to date. Some, for example Jungwirth and Onokerhoraye (Jungwirth 1968: 69; Onokerhoraye 1975:297), accept the traditional date, that is, ca. 1200. But other opinions have been expressed as well. The archaeologists Shaw and Clark date this event to the eleventh and twelfth centuries (Shaw 1968:14; Clark 1977:206) while another archeologist, Darling (1984:1:157-60, 2:336) thinks that ca. 1450 is a better choice. The historian Kochakova (1986:176) does not see any opportunity for giving a more exact date than the tenth to fourteenth centuries, while her colleagues Dike, Isichei, Smith, and Sargent believe that the Oba dynasty came to power in the twelfth, end of twelfth, mid-thirteenth, and the first half of fourteenth century respectively (Dike 1959:13; Isichei 1983:137; Smith 1988:81-85; Sargent 1986:406-07). // “Others have also contributed to the solution of this puzzle: Lloyd’s answer is the twelfth-fourteenth centuries, Afigbo’s is the thirteenth century, Roese’s one is between 1200 and 1320, and Bradbury’s is the cusp of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries (Lloyd 1968:323; Afigbo 1980:315; Roese 1984:207; Bradbury 1964:149; 1967:1; 1973(19591:42). Finally, students of Benin court art have also made attempts to date the time of the Second dynasty’s coming to power. In particular, Freyer and Mowat regard this as happening in the late fourteenth century (Freyer 1987:9; Mowat 1991:2). The best-known and most authoritative among all the dates differing from the canonical dating (that of Egharevba) is that proposed by Bradbury, viz., ca. 1300. The British anthropologist’s doubts about Egharevba’s date was based on his opinion that Egharevba had ascribed too long reigns to the early Oba, especially to those which ruled prior to the first Europeans’ arrival (Bradbury 1973[1959]:37-41, 42).” ^[1] “Our survey inclines us to surmise that the Oba dynasty most likely began to govern between ca. 1200 and ca. 1250, i.e., in the interval marked by the dates of Egharevba (and Jungwirth) at one end and of Smith at the other. Naturally, the advent of Oranmiyan happened some time before that date. It seems that there are no possibilities (at least today) for suggesting any more exact dates for these crucial events of Benin history”. ^[2] “In the past few decades much research has appeared on the early history of this kingdom, the origin of its kingship, and the time of the early Ogiso kings, who are considered by many historians as the autochthonous founders of Benin kingship around 900. These Ogiso rulers are assumed to have been replaced between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries by kings of the later Oba dynasty, which supposedly descends from the Yoruba town of Ife and which continues in office at the present.” ^[3] The alleged founder of the Oba dynasty (after the Ogiso rulers) is Oranmiyan, whose son Eweka was the first Oba, but there’s disagreement about when exactly this took place. Eisenhofer collates other researchers’ hypotheses: Oranmiyan 13th century (the Kinglist of Benin); Eweka 1140–1170 (Struck, 1923); Orhamiyan 1300 (Talbot, referenced by Bradbury); Oranmiyan 1170, Eweka 1200 (Egharevba, referenced by Bradbury). ^[4] “The chronology of the history of the Benin kingdom is seen by many historians as clarified in the main back to the thirteenth century and even earlier. Apart from the reports of European travelers and missionaries and some information given by merchants, this chronology is based mainly on the Benin kinglist for the periods before 1897. This list names 38 kings (obas) of Benin and covers past centuries with seemingly great accuracy (see table 1). In spite of the many names of former obas and the pretended accuracy of the list’s time-frame, it would be problematic to take it as historically factual since it cannot be corroborated by any documentation before the mid-nineteenth century.” ^[5] “The Ɔghɛnɛ (Ɔmi,to give him his Yoruba title) was the ruler of Ile Ife, the cosmic metropolis of the Yoruba people to the west and, for most of the states of the Bight of Benin, the cradle of divine kingship. He sent his son Oranmiyan, who, however, found Benin uncongenial, so after a short stay he departed for home, but not before he had impregnated the daughter of an Edo village chief. She bore a son, who in the course of time was enthroned under the name Eweka.” ^[6] “In March 1897 a British military expedition took possession of Benin City (Ɛdo); in the following September Ovonramwen, the thirty-fifth Ɔba (king) of Benin, was deported to Calabar. Thus ended the independence of what had been one of the largest and longest lived of the West African forest states.” ^[7] “For centuries, there was a healthy relationship between Benin and the British. The relationship was sustained and strengthened by trade and religion. However, it is unfortunate and pathetic to note that the relationship finally ended with the British invasion of Benin in February 1897. This invasion led to the fall of the Benin Empire. The Kingdom of Benin ceased to exist as an independent entity in 1897. It was annexed to the Niger Coast Protectorate the same year.” ^[8]

[1]: Bondarenko, D. M. (2003). Advent of the Second (Oba) Dynasty: Another Assessment of a Benin History Key Point. History in Africa, 30, 63–85: 74–75. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/CESQP6DT/collection

[2]: Bondarenko, D. M. (2003). Advent of the Second (Oba) Dynasty: Another Assessment of a Benin History Key Point. History in Africa, 30, 63–85: 76–77. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/CESQP6DT/collection

[3]: Eisenhofer, S. (1995). The Origins of the Benin Kingship in the Works of Jacob Egharevba. History in Africa, 22, 141–163: 141. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/WR8MRZAW/collection

[4]: Eisenhofer, S. (1997). The Benin Kinglist/s: Some Questions of Chronology. History in Africa, 24, 139–156: 147–150. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/EQFRPBHN/collection

[5]: Eisenhofer, S. (1997). The Benin Kinglist/s: Some Questions of Chronology. History in Africa, 24, 139–156: 139. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/EQFRPBHN/collection

[6]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 2. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[7]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 1. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[8]: Aremu, J., & Ediagbonya, M. (2018). Trade and Religion in British-Benin Relations, 1553-1897. Global Journal of Social Sciences Studies, 4, 78–90: 88. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/86KXRXBH/collection

Duration:
[1,170 CE ➜ 1,897 CE]

Confident Disputed

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Duration:
[1,200 CE ➜ 1,897 CE]

Confident Disputed

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Duration:
[1,300 CE ➜ 1,897 CE]

Confident Disputed

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Duration:
[1,320 CE ➜ 1,897 CE]

Confident Disputed

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Duration:
[1,450 CE ➜ 1,897 CE]

Confident Disputed

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Political and Cultural Relations

Succeeding Entity:
Niger Coast Protectorate

Confident

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Incorporated into Southern Nigeria Protectorate in 1900. “In March 1897 a British military expedition took possession of Benin City (Ɛdo); in the following September Ovonramwen, the thirty-fifth Ɔba (king) of Benin, was deported to Calabar. Thus ended the independence of what had been one of the largest and longest lived of the West African forest states.” ^[1] “For centuries, there was a healthy relationship between Benin and the British. The relationship was sustained and strengthened by trade and religion. However, it is unfortunate and pathetic to note that the relationship finally ended with the British invasion of Benin in February 1897. This invasion led to the fall of the Benin Empire. The Kingdom of Benin ceased to exist as an independent entity in 1897. It was annexed to the Niger Coast Protectorate the same year.” ^[2]

[1]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 1. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[2]: Aremu, J., & Ediagbonya, M. (2018). Trade and Religion in British-Benin Relations, 1553-1897. Global Journal of Social Sciences Studies, 4, 78–90: 88. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/86KXRXBH/collection

Relationship to Preceding Entity:
elite migration

Confident Disputed

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Most texts refer to the first Oba’s origins in Ile Ife. But some suggest Oranmiyan was a native Bini, who spent time away but returned to assume the kingship. “The Ɔghɛnɛ (Ɔmi,to give him his Yoruba title) was the ruler of Ile Ife, the cosmic metropolis of the Yoruba people to the west and, for most of the states of the Bight of Benin, the cradle of divine kingship. He sent his son Oranmiyan, who, however, found Benin uncongenial, so after a short stay he departed for home, but not before he had impregnated the daughter of an Edo village chief. She bore a son, who in the course of time was enthroned under the name Eweka.” ^[1] Eisenhofer refers to the views of Edebiri, Air Iyare, Edun Akenzua and Omoregie: “In these four, newer, versions of the ’origins’ of Benin kingship, Egharevba’s foreign prince Oranmiyan has been changed into a native Bini and the founder of the Oba dynasty identified as either Ogiso Ekaladerhan himself or one of his sons. These dramatically different descriptions of the founding of the dynasty as a result of Oranmiyan’s return home to Benin City result in, among other things, constructing an unbroken dynastic succession of rulers from the early Ogiso.” ^[2]

[1]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 2. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[2]: Eisenhofer, S. (1995). The Origins of the Benin Kingship in the Works of Jacob Egharevba. History in Africa, 22, 141–163: 152. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/WR8MRZAW/collection

Relationship to Preceding Entity:
continuity

Confident Disputed

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[1]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 2. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

Preceding Entity:
ni_igodomingodo continuity ni_benin_emp

Confident

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(Relationship): Most texts refer to the first Oba’s origins in Ile Ife. But some suggest Oranmiyan was a native Bini, who spent time away but returned to assume the kingship. “The Ɔghɛnɛ (Ɔmi,to give him his Yoruba title) was the ruler of Ile Ife, the cosmic metropolis of the Yoruba people to the west and, for most of the states of the Bight of Benin, the cradle of divine kingship. He sent his son Oranmiyan, who, however, found Benin uncongenial, so after a short stay he departed for home, but not before he had impregnated the daughter of an Edo village chief. She bore a son, who in the course of time was enthroned under the name Eweka.” ^[1] Eisenhofer refers to the views of Edebiri, Air Iyare, Edun Akenzua and Omoregie: “In these four, newer, versions of the ’origins’ of Benin kingship, Egharevba’s foreign prince Oranmiyan has been changed into a native Bini and the founder of the Oba dynasty identified as either Ogiso Ekaladerhan himself or one of his sons. These dramatically different descriptions of the founding of the dynasty as a result of Oranmiyan’s return home to Benin City result in, among other things, constructing an unbroken dynastic succession of rulers from the early Ogiso.” ^[2] , Most texts refer to the first Oba’s origins in Ile Ife. But some suggest Oranmiyan was a native Bini, who spent time away but returned to assume the kingship. “The Ɔghɛnɛ (Ɔmi,to give him his Yoruba title) was the ruler of Ile Ife, the cosmic metropolis of the Yoruba people to the west and, for most of the states of the Bight of Benin, the cradle of divine kingship. He sent his son Oranmiyan, who, however, found Benin uncongenial, so after a short stay he departed for home, but not before he had impregnated the daughter of an Edo village chief. She bore a son, who in the course of time was enthroned under the name Eweka.” ^[1] Eisenhofer refers to the views of Edebiri, Air Iyare, Edun Akenzua and Omoregie: “In these four, newer, versions of the ’origins’ of Benin kingship, Egharevba’s foreign prince Oranmiyan has been changed into a native Bini and the founder of the Oba dynasty identified as either Ogiso Ekaladerhan himself or one of his sons. These dramatically different descriptions of the founding of the dynasty as a result of Oranmiyan’s return home to Benin City result in, among other things, constructing an unbroken dynastic succession of rulers from the early Ogiso.” ^[2]
(Entity): Also known as Igodomigodo, Ugodomigodo, Ubini and Igobo Kingdom. Talking about Ogiso dynasty: “At that time the country was known as Ugodomigodo. (Egharevba 1936:7)” ^[3] “At that time the country was known as Igodomingodo. (Egharevba 1953:4)” ^[4] “The first dynasty in Benin has been referred to as the Igobo monarchy and was apparently founded in c. 942-969. For more details about the Igodo dynasty refer to Egharevba (1960, 1-5) and Egharevba (1965) (also appearing with twelve other publications by the same author in a Kraus Reprint, Nendeln, 1973).” ^[5]

[1]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 2. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[3]: Eisenhofer, S. (1995). The Origins of the Benin Kingship in the Works of Jacob Egharevba. History in Africa, 22, 141–163: 145. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/WR8MRZAW/collection

[4]: Eisenhofer, S. (1995). The Origins of the Benin Kingship in the Works of Jacob Egharevba. History in Africa, 22, 141–163: 146. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/WR8MRZAW/collection

[5]: Sargent, R. A. (1986). From A Redistribution to an Imperial Social Formation: Benin c.1293-1536. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 20(3), 402–427: 422. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AUEZSTBR/collection

Degree of Centralization:
loose ^{1180
CE
1428
CE}

Confident

View all such records

“Relationships between the village and palace hierarchies prior to 1320 - under the first Benin dynasty - were maintained and reinforced through the mechanism of minimal allegiance and redistributive tribute. […] The emergence of the second dynasty in c. 1320-1347 did not, initially at least, fundamentally alter the political, social, and / or economic balance in the state.” ^[1] “Oba Ewedo (c. 1374-1401) took major initiatives to establish a more hierarchical central administration and remove the monarchy from Uzama domination. Ewedo established an autonomous palace protected by a loyal standing army and maintained by an independent tribute network (Egharevba 1968, 9-10). The ability of the Oba to demand and receive tribute from the village Onojie, thus circumventing Uzama domination, was apparently based upon the development of coercive authority. This newfound capability enabled the Oba to restrict the authority and prestige of the Uzama and impose the new central administration forcefully. The Uzama Nihinron, naturally enough, objected violently, but the coercive power of the monarchy forced ultimate acquiescence (Egharevba 1968, 10). The creation of a drastically altered and expanded political hierarchy in c. 1374- 1401 marked a significant change in the economic and social development of Benin and concomitantly established the Oba as paramount authority in the state. However, ‘... as the state organization became more centralized it began to use the concept of territorial power ... the prestige of the sovereign never completely effaced the tribopatriarchal authority. At most, the kingship took the form of a superimposed bureaucracy which nonetheless respected the structure of rural life (Coquery-Vidrovitch 1976, 92).’” ^[2] Oba Ewuare built on the work started by Oba Eweko (c. 1374–1401) to move the Benin Empire towards increased centralization. “Oba Ewuare seems to have transformed Benin from a segmentary tribute paying formation into a national trading structure. The incorporation of the majority of Edo-speaking people in the Benin political framework established a national character for the state, a polity ruled by a dynasty that was becoming progressively Edo-speaking. The dominant mode of production in the new social formation was still the village Otu system, and tribute remained one of the principle supports for the national elite. However, under Oba Ewuare (c. 1428-1455), commercial revenues and levies were appropriated at an increased rate. According to Webster’s typology for Africa, the basis of primary support for the elite determined the classification of the social formation (1982, 2). The concern for trade, the management of commercial enterprise, and the control of major trade routes contributed to the expansion of trade and commerce. This development provided the opportunity for elite support that may have been greater in value than that extracted from allegiance, supportive, and redistributive tribute. It seems, therefore, that Oba Ewuare transformed Benin from a tribute-based social formation to a national trading state.” ^[3] “In fact, the transformation of the segmentary redistributive social formation into a highly exploitative centralised administration had taken only three generations. From about 1374 to 1455, therefore, Benin had experienced a rather dramatic shift toward centralised coercive state exploitation, clear evidence of a transformation from a redistributive social formation to a highly organised tribute paying structure. Real tribute paying social formations suggest a dual economy - enclave and hinterland - and the process of underdeveloping the hinterland begins. The next generation (c. 1455-1482) in the development of this centralised exploitative political structure was even more dramatic than all previous generations combined. The reign of Oba Ewuare witnessed a drastic increase in the state bureaucracy; Ewuare appointed no less than seventeen new officials to the palace administration (Egharevba 1960, 78-79). Ewuare went even further in his reorganisation of the state by annexing the Ishan chiefdoms and incorporating them as vassal tributary village clusters (Okojie 1960, 209; Miller 1983).” ^[4] “It is useful to distinguish what we may call the Benin kingdom from the outlying territories which at various times accepted the Oba’s suzerainty. […] Generally speaking, the Benin kingdom may be defined as the area within which the Oba was recognized as the sole human arbiter of life and death. Within it no one could be put to death without his consent, and any person accused of a capital offence had to be brought before his court.” ^[5] “From about 1293 to 1536, Benin evolved from a segmentary redistributive chiefdom to a centralised imperial power.” ^[6] “It is possible to see not only a major evolution in the political and economic structures of Benin from about 1293 to 1536 but also major changes in power relations, social structures, and economic organisation. The state had evolved from a segmentary redistributive social formation to a centralised tributary state. Subsequent economic and political policy further transformed the society into a major regional partner in long distance trade, into a conquest state, and ultimately into an imperial trading formation.” ^[7] “In the late fifteenth century Benin was a well-established state with a large army conducting long campaigns far afield. It was already approaching the peak of its power and prosperity. By the late sixteenth century its frontiers had reached out westwards along the coast to beyond Lagos, north-west through the country of the Ekiti Yoruba to Ottun, where there was a boundary with Oyo, and eastwards to the Niger. Thus, it embraced considerable populations of eastern Yoruba and western Ibo. The former largely retained their characteristically Yoruba political systems. Their titles, regalia, and ceremonial forms were influenced by Benin, but these were matters of style rather than structure. Within a limited framework of controls exercised by the Oba—tribute, assistance in war, facilities for Edo traders—they enjoyed internal autonomy. Many western Ibo groups developed into small centralized states in which Benin-type institutions, copied with varying degrees of similitude, were superimposed on and accommodated to local social forms. Most of their chiefs (obi) accepted the Oba’s suzerainty, but others, some of them founded by dissident groups from Benin itself, lay beyond his control.” ^[8] “The last three centuries of Benin’s independence saw a gradual shrinking of the area from which its government could enforce delivery of tribute and military service and secure safe passage for Benin traders, though this decline was by no means uninterrupted. During the eighteenth century there were many campaigns aimed at maintaining control over the western Ibo area. In Osemwende’s reign, in the early nineteenth century, control over the Ekiti Yoruba to the north was reconsolidated. Throughout the nineteenth century this latter area was the most important, though not the only, hinterland for Benin traders.” ^[9] “Benin warriors played some part in the Ekiti wars, but on a freelance basis; they took advantage of the confused situation to raid for slaves and loot. They sent gifts to the Oba, for they were dependent on the Benin route for their supplies. In return he occasionally dispatched reinforcements to help them, but his control over them was minimal. In the 1880s the official Benin army, under the Ezɔmɔ, was occupied subduing rebellious villages on the very north-west borders of the kingdom itself, no more than fifty miles from the capital.” ^[10] “Their territories consisted only of the villages or hamlets in which they lived with, in some cases, one or more villages farther afield; but in the internal affairs of these territories the Oba ought not to interfere. Their inhabitants were subjects of the Uzama rather than of the Oba. Freemen of Uzebu, for example, were eviɛn-Ezɔmɔ rather than eviɛn-Ɔba.” ^[11] “Thus, it becomes necessary to differentiate between the "state" of Benin and Benin proper.’ For the state, in fact, consisted of many "independent communities" which "were seldom at peace," which enjoyed "very full powers of local government," and which "were left pretty much alone to work out their own destinies". [I9] The peoples of the territory between Bonny and Lagos constituted a "state," only insofar as their tribute and services were rendered to the Oba of Benin.” ^[12] “But, since the "state" of Benin was thoroughly decentralized, it existed only insofar as outlying provinces paid their due tribute to the Oba. The fluid situation in which the Benin "state" existed defies precise definition of the extent of that state”. ^[13]

[1]: Sargent, R. A. (1986). From A Redistribution to an Imperial Social Formation: Benin c.1293-1536. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 20(3), 402–427: 406–407. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AUEZSTBR/collection

[2]: Sargent, R. A. (1986). From A Redistribution to an Imperial Social Formation: Benin c.1293-1536. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 20(3), 402–427: 408. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AUEZSTBR/collection

[3]: Sargent, R. A. (1986). From A Redistribution to an Imperial Social Formation: Benin c.1293-1536. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 20(3), 402–427: 414. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AUEZSTBR/collection

[4]: Sargent, R. A. (1986). From A Redistribution to an Imperial Social Formation: Benin c.1293-1536. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 20(3), 402–427: 412. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AUEZSTBR/collection

[5]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 3. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[6]: Sargent, R. A. (1986). From A Redistribution to an Imperial Social Formation: Benin c.1293-1536. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 20(3), 402–427: 402. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AUEZSTBR/collection

[7]: Sargent, R. A. (1986). From A Redistribution to an Imperial Social Formation: Benin c.1293-1536. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 20(3), 402–427: 421–422. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AUEZSTBR/collection

[8]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 5. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[9]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 4. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[10]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 7. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[11]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 15. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[12]: Graham, J. D. (1965). The Slave Trade, Depopulation and Human Sacrifice in Benin History: The General Approach. Cahiers d’Études Africaines, 5(18), 317–334: 320. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/4AS9CVZH/collection

[13]: Graham, J. D. (1965). The Slave Trade, Depopulation and Human Sacrifice in Benin History: The General Approach. Cahiers d’Études Africaines, 5(18), 317–334: 331. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/4AS9CVZH/collection

Degree of Centralization:
confederated state ^{1428
CE
1897
CE}

Confident

View all such records

[3]: Sargent, R. A. (1986). From A Redistribution to an Imperial Social Formation: Benin c.1293-1536. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 20(3), 402–427: 414. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AUEZSTBR/collection

Language

Linguistic Family:
Niger-Congo

Confident

View all such records

This applies to Edo and the other main languages present, such as Igbo/Ibo & Yoruba. Ijo/Ijaw is Ijoid. Itsekiri is not on WALS.

Language:
Bini

Confident

View all such records

Also called Edo, but WALS uses Bini. Other languages were also present, such as Igbo/Ibo, Itsekiri, Ijaw/Ijo, Yoruba. “The great majority of its inhabitants spoke Edo, the language of Benin City, with negligible dialect variations, but there were Ibo settlements on the eastern borders, Itsekiri and Ijaw lining the rivers in the south-west, and Yoruba villages on the north-west”. ^[1]

[1]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 3. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

Religion

Religious Tradition:
Bini religion

Confident

View all such records

“Furthermore, although there were distinct period of overt opposition - specifically c. 1455-1482 - there was an apparent ideological basis upon which this social formation established political, economic, and social relationships. Divine kingship, religious and ritual obligations, cult organisations, avenues of social mobility, patronage opportunities, and a degree of security from external attack, all contributed in one form or another to this ideological base.” ^[1] “According to Benin mythology, their land is the cradle of the world which was founded by the first king who was the youngest son of Osanobua (also called Osanoghodua) the Supreme God, the Almighty.” ^[2] The Oba was seen as divine/a descendent of the gods. “Beginning with the accession of Oba Ohuan in about 1606 AD, and closing with the reign of Oba Akengbuda in 1804 AD, no king went on campaign to command military operations. In the power dynamics of the period, Benin chiefs took the decision which led to loss of direct military command by the Oba. While the administrative and military chiefs gained power, the authority of the Oba as divine king was reduced to a secluded ritual figure in the palace. The ritual functions seemed to also fit with the idea of been divinely ordained by God, supreme, and invested with majesty as the Uku Akpolokpolo, meaning the mighty that rules.” ^[3] “P. A. Talbot, however, has written the most complete ethnographic analysis of Bini sacrificial customs: “At Benin the worship of the Obba’s forefathers corresponds almost to the state religion and celebration of the rites form the chief ceremonies of the year. It was from the sacrifices ... in connection with these, that the Bini Empire obtained its partly undeserved reputation for blood- thirsty cruelty. [90]”” ^[4] “There is little doubt that human sacrifices were an integral part of the Benin state religion from very early days. Barros, for instance, observed that "the king of Beny was very much under the influence of his idolatries," [66] and Pereira said that Benin life "is full of abuses and witchcraft and idolatry, which for brevity’s sake I omit."” ^[5] Though Christianity was present due to Portuguese (C15) and British missionaries, it was not a major force in the Benin Empire. “Christianity was first introduced to Benin kingdom by the Portuguese in the 15th century when King John II of Portugal sent d’ Aveiro to Benin on a trade mission to the kingdom. […] An attempt was equally made again to introduce Christianity to Benin by the British in the late eighteenth century […] By the end of 1892, eight Christian missions were already operating in different parts of Southern Nigeria. Out of these missions, the Church Missionary Society was the largest. It monopolized the Niger Delta region. In a way, Benin was affected because it belonged to the western part of the Niger Delta. Ehianu (2017) opines that with the combined efforts of the white missionaries, catechists, evangelists and commercial agents who were already entrenched in Asaba, Benin City was reached with the gospel by the Roman Catholic Church (Ehianu, 2017). These initial attempts to introduce Christianity to Benin failed. Between the periods of 16th to 19th centuries only little success was registered. Ryder maintains that the Benin rulers and peoples were not prepared to flirt at all with Christian missionaries (Ryder, 1961).” ^[6] “Therefore, from about 1428 to 1455, Benin began to develop and exploit productive capacity and direct economic development toward control of trade, trade goods, and trade routes. One method utilised successfully to expand Beni domination of the east-west trading system was the founding of the Olokun cult. Olokun, as the god of wealth, provided a religious sanction for the pursuit of commercial profit and established a mechanism through which trade and commerce could be organised, licensed, administered, and taxed. The Olokun priests, usually relatives of the Oba, were charged with the responsibility for maintaining an orderly flow of trade, and establishing viable market controls." The domination by the palace and the expansion of commercial enterprise through palace-controlled religious institutions established trade as an important source for elite wealth.” ^[7]

[1]: Sargent, R. A. (1986). From A Redistribution to an Imperial Social Formation: Benin c.1293-1536. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 20(3), 402–427: 420. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AUEZSTBR/collection

[2]: Osadolor, O. B. (2001). The Military System of Benin Kingdom, c.1440–1897. University of Hamburg, Germany: 55. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/N4RZF5H5/collection

[3]: Osadolor, O. B. (2001). The Military System of Benin Kingdom, c.1440–1897. University of Hamburg, Germany: 127. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/N4RZF5H5/collection

[4]: Graham, J. D. (1965). The Slave Trade, Depopulation and Human Sacrifice in Benin History: The General Approach. Cahiers d’Études Africaines, 5(18), 317–334: 329–330. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/4AS9CVZH/collection

[5]: Graham, J. D. (1965). The Slave Trade, Depopulation and Human Sacrifice in Benin History: The General Approach. Cahiers d’Études Africaines, 5(18), 317–334: 327. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/4AS9CVZH/collection

[6]: Aremu, J., & Ediagbonya, M. (2018). Trade and Religion in British-Benin Relations, 1553-1897. Global Journal of Social Sciences Studies, 4, 78–90: 85–86. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/86KXRXBH/collection

[7]: Sargent, R. A. (1986). From A Redistribution to an Imperial Social Formation: Benin c.1293-1536. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 20(3), 402–427: 411. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AUEZSTBR/collection

Social Complexity Variables

Social Scale

Population of the Largest Settlement:
- ^{1180
CE
1785
CE}

Suspected

View all such records

Inhabitants. “The population of Benin Division, which we equate with the Benin kingdom, was reckoned at about 292,000 in the 1952 census. Some 54,000 of these lived in the capital, Benin City, and the rest in several hundred compact villages, ranging in size from less than 20 to (in one case only) more than 6,000 souls. The great majority of villages had populations of less than 1,000; 400 or 500 may be taken as typical. Before 1897 Benin City probably had less than half its 1952 population. Even so, its urban, metropolitan character contrasted sharply with the small scale of village society.” ^[1] “Landolphe, who spent more time in Benin kingdom than any other chronicler, observed that the houses in Benin City were well-constructed, and that the population of that metropolis might be as much as eighty thousand. Adams, at approximately the same time, wrote of an irregularly built town of about fifteen thousand people.” NB Adams and Landolphe are referred to in the same text (p332), giving us a timeframe for these observations: “Captain Landolphe, who traded at Gwato and Arebo between 1769-1792, realized his greatest profits in the ivory trade, although he also earned much from the slave commerce. […] Captain John Adams, in his journey between 1786-1800, was the last chronicler to witness the existence of the slave trade in Benin proper.” ^[2] “Jacolliot’s estimate of Benin City’s population, in 1879, was fifty thousand”. ^[3] “Benin City, indeed, appears to have been depopulated from time to time, as Nyendael and King reported, during and immediately after periods of civil strife. Nevertheless, there is little doubt that Benin was ever a large town, and, in times of relative peace and stability, its population could be counted in five digits.” ^[3]

[1]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 8. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[2]: Graham, J. D. (1965). The Slave Trade, Depopulation and Human Sacrifice in Benin History: The General Approach. Cahiers d’Études Africaines, 5(18), 317–334: 325–326. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/4AS9CVZH/collection

[3]: Graham, J. D. (1965). The Slave Trade, Depopulation and Human Sacrifice in Benin History: The General Approach. Cahiers d’Études Africaines, 5(18), 317–334: 326. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/4AS9CVZH/collection

Population of the Largest Settlement:
[15,000 to 80,000] people ^{1786
CE
1792
CE}

Confident

View all such records

[1]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 8. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

Population of the Largest Settlement:
- ^{1793
CE
1878
CE}

Suspected

View all such records

[1]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 8. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

Population of the Largest Settlement:
50,000 people ^{1879

CE}

Confident

View all such records

[1]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 8. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

Population of the Largest Settlement:
- ^{1880
CE
1896
CE}

Suspected

View all such records

[1]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 8. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

Population of the Largest Settlement:
27,000 people ^{1897

CE}

Confident

View all such records

[1]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 8. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

Polity Territory:
18,000 km²

Confident

View all such records

in squared kilometers. The following quote seems to refer to the Nigerian state known today as Edo; the number provided is roughly equivalent to its size. “Roughly coterminous with the present-day Benin Division of the Mid-West State of Nigeria, the Benin kingdom was the area in which the Oba’s writ ran most strongly and consistently. It was not a single administrative unit, and its boundaries cannot be precisely drawn.” ^[1]

[1]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 3. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

Hierarchical Complexity

Settlement Hierarchy:
3

Confident

View all such records

levels. 1) Capital/cities, 2) towns, 3) villages. “The great majority of its inhabitants spoke Edo, the language of Benin City, with negligible dialect variations, but there were Ibo settlements on the eastern borders, Itsekiri and Ijaw lining the rivers in the south-west, and Yoruba villages on the north-west”. ^[1] “The village was made up of a number of households containing simple, compound and patrilineally extended families.” ^[2] “For administrative purposes the Oba’s domains were divided not into major provinces but into a large number of tribute units—single villages, village groups, and chiefdoms. Most of these ‘fiefs’ (as for convenience sake we may call them) served the Oba through the agency of one of his appointed counsellors of the Palace or Town orders, but other fief-holders included the hereditary Uzama nobles, the Iyɔba (Oba’s mother), Edaikɛn (Oba’s heir), non-titled palace retainers, and, it is said, some of the Oba’s wives.” ^[3] In Benin City: “Within the wall the town was divided into two unequal parts by a long, broad avenue running approximately north-west to south-east. This spatial division corresponded to a Palace/Town dichotomy of great political significance. Ogbe, the smaller area to the south-west, contained the Oba’s palace (Ɛguae-Ɔba) and the houses of most of his Palace Chiefs (Eghaɛbho n’Ogbe). In Orenokhua, to the north-east, lived the Town Chiefs (Eghaɛbho n’Ore) and here, too, were located most of the wards of occupational specialists.” ^[4]

[1]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 3. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[3]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 10–11. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[4]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 12. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

Religious Level:
5

Confident

View all such records

levels. 1) Oba, 2) Eghaevbo n’Ore, 3) priest of Okhuahie, 4) Ihogbe, 5) Odionwere. However, religion and state were very closely linked, so it’s likely there were many more levels not captured in the scholarship. It’s also unclear how strict and set this hierarchy was. “The Iwebo palace association is in charge of the regalia and belongings of the king. Many craft guilds are affiliated with this society and throughout Benin’s history they have worked primarily for the king. They have been allowed to execute commissions for other clients only with his approval. Benin’s bronze casters, ivory carvers, weavers, costume makers, and leather workers are some of the guilds controlled by the Iwebo. Leopard hunters (Fig. 13), royal drummers, hornblowers, executioners, astrologers, and high priests accorded with important ritual functions also belong to this palace association. The second palace society of the Iweguae is responsible for personal duties for the king. It comprises all the personal attendants to the Oba, such as his sword bearers and guards, but also diviners, healers, priests caring for his ancestor shrines, and other ritual specialists.” ^[1] “The senior Igele only went to war in major conflict, leaving minor raids to the younger men. Above them come in some groups a rank called Igbama which are "Junior Elders." ... These are the heads of families, seniors in the small divisions of the village, who have in some cases performed a promotion ceremony to free themselves from the obligations of communal labour, but who are not yet admitted to the full clan council. Finally come the Edion, the Elders, the grave and reverend seniors of the village, the repositories of customs, the village tribunal of justice, at the head of who is the Odionwere or senior Elder.... In most groups he is the administrative as well as religious head of the village.” ^[2] “The Eghaevbo n’Ore, which seems to have replaced the Uzama Nihinron as the most effective check on the Oba’s political power, was created by Ewuare, before the coming of the Europeans. Since the senior members of the Eghaevbo n’Ore transacted "most of the day-to-day administration of the kingdom", these men were probably the "fetish priests" or the "ju-ju men" which so impressed European visitors from the time of Pereira to that of Gallwey. In other words, both human sacrifices and "fetish priests" existed in Benin prior to the beginnings of the European slave trade, and prior to the great military victories of Ozolua and Esigie” ^[3] Just outside Benin City: “Idunbhun-Ihogbe, for example, contained one section of the Ihogbe, priests of the past kings and of the living Oba’s Head. In the same area were located the villages of six of the Seven Uzama (Uzama n’Ihinrɔn), hereditary nobles and ‘kingmakers’. The seventh Uzama was the Oba’s eldest son and heir, the Edaikɛn, whose court was at Uselu, just outside the second wall to the north-west. In fact, as we shall see, no Edaikɛn was installed during the nineteenth century. Uselu also housed the court of the Oba’s mother, who ranked with the Town Chiefs rather than the Uzama. // “The hereditary Uzama and the two groups of Eghaɛbho, whose titles were non-hereditary, constituted three great orders of chieftancy which, between them, were responsible for the continuity and government of the state.” ^[4] Nineteenth century: “The use of magical protection, albeit pre-scientific in Benin world view, was considered part of the preparations for war. Its psychological potency for the warriors explains why they had to seek the services of ‘traditional doctors’ before any campaign. The priest of Okhuahie was responsible for the state army. The Ewaise, a guild of ‘traditional doctors’ who controlled the shrine of Osun-okuo (war medicine) also played a prominent role.” ^[5]

[1]: Plankensteiner, B. (2007). Benin: Kings and Rituals: Court Arts from Nigeria. African Arts, 40(4), 74–87: 83. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/7AR425BC/collection

[2]: Sargent, R. A. (1986). From A Redistribution to an Imperial Social Formation: Benin c.1293-1536. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 20(3), 402–427: 403. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AUEZSTBR/collection

[3]: Graham, J. D. (1965). The Slave Trade, Depopulation and Human Sacrifice in Benin History: The General Approach. Cahiers d’Études Africaines, 5(18), 317–334: 327. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/4AS9CVZH/collection

[5]: Osadolor, O. B. (2001). The Military System of Benin Kingdom, c.1440–1897. University of Hamburg, Germany: 201. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/N4RZF5H5/collection

Military Level:
- ^{1140
CE
1439
CE}

Suspected

View all such records

levels. 1440CE–1600CE: 1) Oba, 2) Iyase (General Commander), 3) Ezomo, Edogun and Enogie (Metropolitan, Royal and Village regiments respectively), 4) Okakuo I (Metropolitan and Village regiments) and Ekegbian (Royal Regiment), 5) Okakuo II (Azukpogieva) (Metropolitan and Village regiments) and Iyoba Queen Mother’s Own Regiment (Royal Regiment), 6) Olotu Ivbiyokuo (Metropolitan and Village regiments), 7) Platoon commanders, 8) Iyokuo (The Warriors). ^[1] 1600CE–1800CE: 1) Iyase (Commander-in-Chief, 2) Ezomo, 3) Ologbosere, Edogun and Enigie (Metropolitan, Royal and Village regiments respectively), 4) Imaran, Ekegbian and Okakuo I (Metropolitan, Royal and Village regiments respectively), 5) Okakuo, Queen Mother’s own regiment and Okakuo II (Metropolitan, Royal and Village regiments respectively), 6) Olotu (Metropolitan Regiment) and Olotu Iyokuo (Village Regiment), 7) Platoon commanders, 8) Ivbiyokuo (The Warriors). ^[2] 1801CE–1897CE: 1) The War Council, 2) Iyase and Ezomo, 3) Edogun and Ologbosere, 4) Imaran, Ekegbian and Enigie (Metropolitan, Royal and Village regiments respectively), 5)Okakuo, Wueen Mother’s own regiment and Okakuo I (Metropolitan, Royal and Village regiments respectively), 6) Olotu Iyokuo (Metropolitan Regiment) and Okakuo II (Village Regiment), 7) Olotu Iyokuo (Village Regiment), 8) Platoon commanders, 9) Ivbiyokuo (The Warriors). ^[3] “The Ezɔmɔ’s position was unique. Though third in rank in its order, this was one of the great offices of state, and its holder most nearly approached kingly status. The wealth and prestige of successive Ezɔmɔ, remarked by many European visitors in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, was derived from their function as war captains, in which respect only the Iyasɛ equalled them. It was the Ezɔmɔ who took charge of most national campaigns, and their military activities enabled them to accumulate many slaves, subjects, and fiefs. However, this role had little to do with their Uzama status. They were directly responsible to the Oba, and there is no evidence that they regularly used their power in the interests of their order.” ^[4]

[1]: Osadolor, O. B. (2001). The Military System of Benin Kingdom, c.1440–1897. University of Hamburg, Germany: 105. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/N4RZF5H5/collection

[2]: Osadolor, O. B. (2001). The Military System of Benin Kingdom, c.1440–1897. University of Hamburg, Germany: 154. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/N4RZF5H5/collection

[3]: Osadolor, O. B. (2001). The Military System of Benin Kingdom, c.1440–1897. University of Hamburg, Germany: 192. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/N4RZF5H5/collection

[4]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 17. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

Military Level:
8 ^{1440
CE
1800
CE}

Confident

View all such records

[4]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 17. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

Military Level:
9 ^{1801
CE
1897
CE}

Confident

View all such records

[4]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 17. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

Administrative Level:
8

Confident

View all such records

levels. 1) Oba (king), 2) Uzama or Uzama Nihinron (nobles/Kingmakers’ Council), 3) Eghaɛbho n’Ore or Eghaevbo n/Ore (town chiefs; from mid-fifteenth century) & Eghaɛbho n’Ogbe (palace chiefs), 4) Iwebo, Iweguae and Ibiwe (palace associations under direct control of the palace chiefs), 5) otu (three associations of freeborn palace retainers), 6) fief-holders, 8) onogie/enegie (chief, with authority over several villages in a chiefdom, 8) ɔdiɔnwere (sole village head) & ediɔn (fellow village elders); in Benin City, ɔdiɔnwere/hereditary chief/appointed leader.There were several levels of chieftancy by the time Ovonramwen was Oba (ie end of Benin Kingdom) – see chart. Broadly split into Uzama, Town Chiefs and the Palace Associations. ^[1] “In precolonial Benin the political structure consisted of a com plex system of nonhereditary and hereditary titleholders, who along with members of the royal family played a decisive role in the administration of the kingdom. The highest rank was held by the seven Uzama or kingmakers, whose origins go back to the first dynasty of Benin kings. Among the nonhereditary titleholders were representatives of the general population, led by four powerful town chiefs, each of whom headed a complex hierarchy of other officials. Under the king’s direct control were three great palace organizations, Iwebo, Iweguae, and Ibiwe. These palace associa tions were led by three high-ranking palace chiefs who supervised hundreds of subordinate titles.” ^[2] “This long distance trade was controlled by various trading associations, each operating in a different direction. The most important of these associations was called Ekhangbo (ekhan, traders; Agbo, forest). It monopolized the route from Benin to Akure, which was the main base for trade in the north-east Yoruba country. Ekhangbo, and similar associations operating towards the east and north-east, were controlled by title-holders and other prominent men from Benin City. The Oba of Benin is said to have been a member of all of them. It was in the interests of the traders to uphold the integrity of the Benin polity in order to ensure a state of security in which trade could flourish. Competition for power and prestige in the state itself provided a major incentive to engage in this trade.” ^[3] Many of the administrative sections were designed to balance each other out, so it’s not a strictly hierarchical structure. “But the strength of the state lay also in the structure of its central institutions and in the balance between competing power groups.” ^[4] “In the village the predominance of community over kin-group interests was maintained through a three-tier age-grade organization (Bradbury, 1957: 32). The oldest man, subject to ‘citizenship’ qualifications, was in most villages the sole village head (ɔdiɔnwere). He and his fellow elders (ediɔn) made policy, controlled access to village resources, kept order, settled disputes, and mediated with the central authority. The elders directed the warrior and executive grade of adult men (ighele) and the grade of youths (iroghae) which performed ‘public works’. Supernatural sanction for their authority came from their access to the spirits of past elders of the village (ediɔn-ɛbho) and from their collective superiority in magic.” ^[5] “In many villages, however, the ɔdiɔnwere’s authority was shared with and limited by that of a chief (onogie) whose office descended by primogenitary succession. Most enigie were descended from the immediately junior brothers of past kings, but some claimed lines going back beyond the incorporation of their chiefdoms into the state; and a few were descended from non-royal appointees of the Oba. The chiefdom might consist of one or several villages. In the central area round the capital and in the territory to the west of it there were few enigie, and here each village dealt directly with the central authority through its ɔdiɔnwere, though it might combine with neighbouring villages for certain purposes. To the north and east a much larger proportion of the population was included in chiefdoms. The more remote they were from Benin, the larger the chiefdoms tended to be and the greater their internal autonomy. The more distant enigie might control up to a dozen or more villages, some of which themselves had hereditary enigie. The more important enigie conferred titles on their ‘palace’ officials and on their agents in the subordinate villages. They had rights to game and tribute and they held courts for the settlement of disputes between their subjects. Having some of the attributes of kingship, they were the focus of rituals patterned on, though less elaborate than, those which took place at the Oba’s palace.” ^[6] “From the point of view of his ‘subjects’ the fief-holder was their official sponsor through whom they could communicate requests, complaints, and disputes to the Oba. […] It must be stressed that the fief-holders were not the sole channel of communication between the Oba and his subjects. Some enigie had the right of direct access to the king. In the more distant vassal chiefdoms the Oba stationed his own agents to watch over his interests and convey intelligence to him.” ^[7] In Benin City: “Within the wall the town was divided into two unequal parts by a long, broad avenue running approximately north-west to south-east. This spatial division corresponded to a Palace/Town dichotomy of great political significance. Ogbe, the smaller area to the south-west, contained the Oba’s palace (Ɛguae-Ɔba) and the houses of most of his Palace Chiefs (Eghaɛbho n’Ogbe). In Orenokhua, to the north-east, lived the Town Chiefs (Eghaɛbho n’Ore) and here, too, were located most of the wards of occupational specialists. There were forty or fifty of these wards, occupied by groups having special skills or duties which they performed, full or part time, primarily for the Oba. Each ward had its internal political organization, based on the grading of its male members, and headed by an ɔdiɔnwere, an hereditary chief, or an appointed leader.” ^[8] Just outside Benin City: “Idunbhun-Ihogbe, for example, contained one section of the Ihogbe, priests of the past kings and of the living Oba’s Head. In the same area were located the villages of six of the Seven Uzama (Uzama n’Ihinrɔn), hereditary nobles and ‘kingmakers’. The seventh Uzama was the Oba’s eldest son and heir, the Edaikɛn, whose court was at Uselu, just outside the second wall to the north-west. In fact, as we shall see, no Edaikɛn was installed during the nineteenth century. Uselu also housed the court of the Oba’s mother, who ranked with the Town Chiefs rather than the Uzama. // “The hereditary Uzama and the two groups of Eghaɛbho, whose titles were non-hereditary, constituted three great orders of chieftancy which, between them, were responsible for the continuity and government of the state.” ^[8] Role and importance of the Uzama changed over time: “The Uzama had not always been set apart from the management of the state, if reliance can be placed on traditions of a prolonged struggle waged by the early kings to assert their supremacy over them. […] But it is likely that they refer, also, to an historical decline in the power of the Uzama correlated, the evidence suggests, with the rise of the Eghaɛbho orders; and with a shift towards a doctrine of automatic primogenitary succession to the kingship. The successful assertion, by the kings of Benin, of the right to assign major administrative and judicial functions to counsellors appointed by themselves gave them considerable power vis-à-vis the Uzama. The rule of primogeniture, though ineffective in eliminating succession strife, made the Uzama’s role as kingmakers more ceremonial than political. They continued to receive the new king’s installation fees and to inaugurate his reign, but they had no more effective voice in determining his identity than did the Eghaɛbho.” ^[9] “The main palace buildings comprised three major divisions—Iwebo, Iwɛguae, and Ibiwe. These were the names of three associations (otu) of freeborn retainers that administered the royal court and participated in the government. […] First in rank were the Iwebo, who had charge of the Oba’s state regalia, including his throne and his ceremonial wardrobe and accoutrements. Unwaguɛ, as head of Iwebo, was head of the palace organization. // “The Iwɛguae division contained the Oba’s private apartments. Its chiefs were his household officers, and his cooks and domestics were chosen from its lower ranks. It also included his pages (emada, lit. ‘swordbearers’), boys and young men who had been given to the Oba by their fathers and who were bound in absolute service to him until, well into manhood, he saw fit to give them wives and send them into the world as free men. […] They also helped him to maintain direct contact with his subjects by arranging private audiences for people who wanted to see him, thus by-passing the official channels of communication through the fief-holders. […] The Ibiwe were the keepers of the Oba’s wives and children. […] Apart from these retainer duties the palace associations performed important political functions, which may be summarized as follows: // “(1) They were institutions for recruiting and training personnel for specific administrative, judicial, and ceremonial tasks and for the general exercise of royal authority. // “(2) They were organized into an elaborate system of grades and hierarchies which served to channel competition for power. // “(3) They were a powerful instrument of centralization and a force for stability in the state.” ^[10] “The Town Chiefs // “There were two main orders of chiefs associated with Orenokhua, the Eghaɛbho n’Ore and the Ibiwe Nekhua. According to tradition, the former order was constituted by the twelfth Oba, Ewuare, who included in it two already existing titles, lyase and Esɔgban, and two others, Esɔn and Osuma, of his own creation. By the 1890s there were thirteen titles, of which eight had been added by eighteenth- and nineteenth-century kings.” ^[11] “A Benin writer has described the Iyasɛ, with some truth, as ‘the prime minister and the leader of the opposition’. When the Oba wished to propose a new law, prosecute a war, or take important administrative action he was bound to seek the advice and approval of the Uzama and his Town and Palace Chiefs. After meeting separately to formulate their views, the three orders assembled with the Oba in a full council of state. The sole right to argue with or censure the Oba in public was held to lie with Town Chiefs and, more especially, with the Iyasɛ. When one of them died, the Oba sent his men to claim his lower jaw, ‘the jaw he had used to dispute with the Oba’. This act symbolized the ultimate supremacy of the king over the Edo. // “Except in this last symbolic act, it was difficult for the Oba to impose his will on the Town Chiefs.” ^[12] “It should already be clear that the Oba of Benin was neither a mere ritual figurehead nor a constitutional monarch, but a political king, actively engaged in competition for power. His main political weapon lay in his ability to manipulate the system of Palace and Town offices. By making appointments to vacant titles, creating new ones, transferring individuals from one order to another, introducing new men of wealth and influence into positions of power, and redistributing administrative competences, the kings tried to maintain a balance between competing groups and individuals.” ^[13] “The succession at Benin had a complicated history, but by the nineteenth century the principle of primogeniture was firmly established. According to tradition, it had been introduced in Ewuakpe’s reign, in the early eighteenth century, with the purpose of avoiding succession conflict (Egharevba, 1960: 40). This aim was not achieved, for two of the last three successions before 1897 involved civil war, and in the third it was avoided only because one candidate had secured overwhelming support.” ^[14] “The Eghaevbo n’Ore, which seems to have replaced the Uzama Nihinron as the most effective check on the Oba’s political power, was created by Ewuare, before the coming of the Europeans. Since the senior members of the Eghaevbo n’Ore transacted "most of the day-to-day administration of the kingdom", these men were probably the "fetish priests" or the "ju-ju men" which so impressed European visitors from the time of Pereira to that of Gallwey. In other words, both human sacrifices and "fetish priests" existed in Benin prior to the beginnings of the European slave trade, and prior to the great military victories of Ozolua and Esigie” ^[15] “The introduction of the Onojie (village chiefs) prior to c. 1320 established a new variable in the relationship between dominant and subordinate segments of the population. The hereditary Onojie system provided an outlet for unsuccessful candidates for the central throne. The Onojie were provided with rural fiefs which provided a basis for tributary support and greatly expanded the burden upon the village Otu productive capacity (Egharevba I960, 1-5; Egharevba 1956). The development of the Onojie system as an intermediate administrative level between the village Odionwere and the palace established an extended state nobility. Also, the Onojie could establish their own appointed bureaucracy which further expanded the pressures on the village Otu to provide surplus non-commercial support. Tribute was thereafter funnelled from the Odionwere to the Onojie and subsequently to the Ogiso. Although the development of the Onojie system of village administration relieved pressures in the capital, it also resulted in new pressures on Otu production.” ^[16] Some administrative change around the 1320s (if we accept later dates for the start of the Benin Empire), but not sweeping ones. “The emergence of the second dynasty in c. 1320-1347 did not, initially at least, fundamentally alter the political, social, and / or economic balance in the state. The former Igodo dynasty was replaced by the Ewekpa monarchy, which retained the existing political and economic relations between the palace and village Otu. Oba (King) Ewekpa, in fact, established a mutually supportive relationship with the existing bureaucracy and nobility (Coquery-Vidrovitch 1976, 92). Ewekpa also appointed part of the nobility to the position of hereditary Kingmakers’ Council (Uzama Nihinron) (Egharevba I960, 9; Bradbury 1973, 55-60). The Ewekpa dynasty lived in the Uzama palace and was apparently dependent upon the allegiance and redistributive tribute funnelled through the Odionwere and Onojie. In this situation, therefore, no effective change was imposed upon the village gerontocracies and no increase in tribute demanded. In other words, it seems to have been a dynastic change with little material effect upon the existing social and economic patterns in the state.” ^[17] If we accept later dates for the start of the Benin Empire: “Prior to c. 1320-1347, for example, the Ogiso (king) maintained a restricted intercursive power relationship dependent upon the support of the Uzama and village Onojie and Odionwere.30 The relationship provided limited opportunity to expand exploitative demands on the village Otu without raising the protesting voice of the Onojie and Odionwere. The effective opposition of the Edion (elders), Odionwere (senior elders), Onojie (village chiefs), and Uzama Nihinron (Kingmakers’ Council) could, theoretically at least, combine to prevent such an imposition. In fact, tradition recalls that the last Ogiso in the first dynasty was removed from office because he attempted to govern without the advice and consent of the councillors and advisors. Therefore, it is possible to suggest that the combined influence of the Odionwere, as the highest-ranking Otu representatives, the Onojie, as the recognised heads of the collective Odionwere, and the Uzama, as selected representatives of the Onojie acting as kingmakers, combined to form an influential and powerful segment of the society.// “After c. 1374-1401, however, the Ewekpa dynasty under Oba Ewedo managed to establish clearly-defined paramount authority and reduced the influence of the Odionwere, Onojie, and Uzama. The Oba retained ultimate control of state decision-making and initiatives for policy and, conversely, limited the authority of the other fractions and strata in the state hierarchy.” ^[18]

[1]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 14. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[2]: Plankensteiner, B. (2007). Benin: Kings and Rituals: Court Arts from Nigeria. African Arts, 40(4), 74–87: 83. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/7AR425BC/collection

[3]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 6. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[4]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 8. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[5]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 9. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[6]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 9–10. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[7]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 11. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[8]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 12. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[9]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 15–16. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[10]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 18–19. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[11]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 25. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[12]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 26. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[13]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 28. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[14]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 29. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[15]: Graham, J. D. (1965). The Slave Trade, Depopulation and Human Sacrifice in Benin History: The General Approach. Cahiers d’Études Africaines, 5(18), 317–334: 327. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/4AS9CVZH/collection

[16]: Sargent, R. A. (1986). From A Redistribution to an Imperial Social Formation: Benin c.1293-1536. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 20(3), 402–427: 406–407. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AUEZSTBR/collection

[17]: Sargent, R. A. (1986). From A Redistribution to an Imperial Social Formation: Benin c.1293-1536. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 20(3), 402–427: 407. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AUEZSTBR/collection

[18]: Sargent, R. A. (1986). From A Redistribution to an Imperial Social Formation: Benin c.1293-1536. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 20(3), 402–427: 419–420. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AUEZSTBR/collection

Professions

Professional Soldier:
absent

Inferred

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People from certain social groups were drafted in as soldiers when needed. “H. L. M. Butcher has described the organisation of village production within the Otu system as follows: ‘Those in the lowest Otu ... are called Egbonughele, sweepers of the street. Under this name are classified all the youths of the clan [village].... They perform all the ordinary communal tasks, they hew wood and carry water.... The actual tasks are apportioned among themselves, the elder boys assisting the younger. Next come the Igele, the adults in the prime of their strength, most of them with homes and families. They are called out for work when it was beyond the power of the youths. The senior Igele only went to war in major conflict, leaving minor raids to the younger men.” ^[1] There was no standing army before Oba Ewedo, but there seem to at least have been people functioning as mercenaries, so it’s unclear whether some were effectively full-time soldiers. “Benin warriors played some part in the Ekiti wars, but on a freelance basis; they took advantage of the confused situation to raid for slaves and loot. They sent gifts to the Oba, for they were dependent on the Benin route for their supplies. In return he occasionally dispatched reinforcements to help them, but his control over them was minimal. In the 1880s the official Benin army, under the Ezɔmɔ, was occupied subduing rebellious villages on the very north-west borders of the kingdom itself, no more than fifty miles from the capital.” ^[2] Oba Ewedo (c. 1374–1401) established a standing army, but this drew from existing structures ie conscripted people based on social position, rather than having people remain as soldiers for their whole lives/careers. “The creation of a standing army by Oba Ewedo and the development of specialised artisan communities by Oba Oguola established a significant drain on Otu productivity. It would seem, therefore, that institutions such as the "Junior Elders," who had previously been exempted from communal labour, would have to contribute to the productive capacity of the vassal villages. […] The development of the military can also be seen as part of the state’s exploitative character. Service in the army for extended periods removed important labour requirements from the village Otu system; service became part of the recognised obligations of certain age sets.” ^[3] “The Ezɔmɔ’s military power could be an important factor in succession disputes, but he had no monopoly of physical force, for there was no standing army at his command; when warriors were needed they were recruited by the Oba through his fief-holders, most of whom were Eghaɛbho.” ^[4] A standing army was created at the very end of the Benin Empire, but the soldiers weren’t generally paid, so perhaps shouldn’t be considered ‘professional soldiers’. Also, this system never had time to be implemented fully before the fall of the Benin Empire. “[I]t was a significant development in the military history of Benin. For the first time, a military policy evolved which provided for both a standing army and training school. Until 1896, there was no standing army in Benin. In most pre-colonial African states and societies, there was no standing army; men were recruited from their peacetime occupations on the proclamation of war. // “ The emergence of a standing army with a training programme in 1896, marked a transformation process of the Benin army. Though it evolved as a state policy in manpower development of the army, it was influenced by the pressures of military necessity when Benin was in the last stages of decline. Details are not known of how the standing army was financed. The warriors were usually not paid by the state; for military service was a matter of honour, status and patriotism for the soldier. The organisational policy of the military school, and the programme of training were at infancy when in February 1897, Benin fell to the British.” ^[5]

[1]: Sargent, R. A. (1986). From A Redistribution to an Imperial Social Formation: Benin c.1293-1536. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 20(3), 402–427: 403. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AUEZSTBR/collection

[2]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 7. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[3]: Sargent, R. A. (1986). From A Redistribution to an Imperial Social Formation: Benin c.1293-1536. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 20(3), 402–427: 409, 411 & 413. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AUEZSTBR/collection

[4]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 17. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[5]: Osadolor, O. B. (2001). The Military System of Benin Kingdom, c.1440–1897. University of Hamburg, Germany: 202. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/N4RZF5H5/collection

Professional Priesthood:
present

Confident

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Can’t find details in the scholarship of what the priestly roles mentioned actually encompassed, but they do seem to be distinct positions with their own titles. “These attitudes were deliberately fostered by the Oba’s retainers and priests”. ^[1] “In its relation to the capital, the village had the quality of a peasant culture. Except for the heirs to enigie and hereditary priests of community cults, the ultimate pinnacles of ambition lay outside the village.” ^[2] Fetish priests were present from at least the reign of Ewuare. “The Eghaevbo n’Ore, which seems to have replaced the Uzama Nihinron as the most effective check on the Oba’s political power, was created by Ewuare, before the coming of the Europeans. Since the senior members of the Eghaevbo n’Ore transacted "most of the day-to-day administration of the kingdom", these men were probably the "fetish priests" or the "ju-ju men" which so impressed European visitors from the time of Pereira to that of Gallwey. In other words, both human sacrifices and "fetish priests" existed in Benin prior to the beginnings of the European slave trade, and prior to the great military victories of Ozolua and Esigie”. ^[3] “Therefore, from about 1428 to 1455, Benin began to develop and exploit productive capacity and direct economic development toward control of trade, trade goods, and trade routes. One method utilised successfully to expand Beni domination of the east-west trading system was the founding of the Olokun cult. Olokun, as the god of wealth, provided a religious sanction for the pursuit of commercial profit and established a mechanism through which trade and commerce could be organised, licensed, administered, and taxed. The Olokun priests, usually relatives of the Oba, were charged with the responsibility for maintaining an orderly flow of trade, and establishing viable market controls. The domination by the palace and the expansion of commercial enterprise through palace-controlled religious institutions established trade as an important source for elite wealth.” ^[4] Nineteenth century: “The use of magical protection, albeit pre-scientific in Benin world view, was considered part of the preparations for war. Its psychological potency for the warriors explains why they had to seek the services of ‘traditional doctors’ before any campaign. The priest of Okhuahie was responsible for the state army. The Ewaise, a guild of ‘traditional doctors’ who controlled the shrine of Osun-okuo (war medicine) also played a prominent role.” ^[5] “The Iwebo palace association is in charge of the regalia and belongings of the king. Many craft guilds are affiliated with this society and throughout Benin’s history they have worked primarily for the king. They have been allowed to execute commissions for other clients only with his approval. Benin’s bronze casters, ivory carvers, weavers, costume makers, and leather workers are some of the guilds controlled by the Iwebo. Leopard hunters (Fig. 13), royal drummers, hornblowers, executioners, astrologers, and high priests accorded with important ritual functions also belong to this palace association. The second palace soci ety of the Iweguae is responsible for personal duties for the king. It comprises all the personal attendants to the Oba, such as his sword bearers and guards, but also diviners, healers, priests caring for his ancestor shrines, and other ritual specialists.” ^[6]

[1]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 8. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[2]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 20. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[4]: Sargent, R. A. (1986). From A Redistribution to an Imperial Social Formation: Benin c.1293-1536. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 20(3), 402–427: 411. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AUEZSTBR/collection

[6]: Plankensteiner, B. (2007). Benin: Kings and Rituals: Court Arts from Nigeria. African Arts, 40(4), 74–87: 83. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/7AR425BC/collection

Professional Military Officer:
present

Confident

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“Some enigie held official positions in the state military organization.” ^[1] “Nor was there any concentration of military offices in oneorder. There were two alternative commands, one led by Ezɔmɔ (Uzama) assisted by Ologbose; the other by Iyasɛ with Edogun (Ibiwe Nekhua) as his second-in-command. Their warriors were recruited by the fief-holders on the Oba’s instructions.” ^[2] Specifically taking about period 1440CE–1600CE: “Finally, the army high command was constituted by four officers: the Oba as Supreme Military Commander, Iyase as General Commander, Ezomo as Senior War Commander, and Edogun as a war chief and commander of the royal troops.” ^[3] Specifically referring to 1801CE–1897CE period: “The top four military officers in Benin Army were the Iyase, the Ezomo, the Edogun and the Ologbosere. Three were all hereditary positions except the Iyase whose role in the state was first political.” ^[4]

[1]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 10. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[2]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 28. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[3]: Osadolor, O. B. (2001). The Military System of Benin Kingdom, c.1440–1897. University of Hamburg, Germany: 94. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/N4RZF5H5/collection

[4]: Osadolor, O. B. (2001). The Military System of Benin Kingdom, c.1440–1897. University of Hamburg, Germany: 187. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/N4RZF5H5/collection

Bureaucracy Characteristics

Merit Promotion:
present

Confident

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“Except for the heirs to enigie and hereditary priests of community cults, the ultimate pinnacles of ambition lay outside the village. Relatively few managed to transpose themselves from the age-ascriptive hierarchy of the village to the achievement hierarchy of the state, yet virtually everyone had a kinsman or neighbour who had succeeded in doing so.” ^[1] “Once a man became ukɔ he was eligible to apply for a title. All non-hereditary titles were at the Oba’s disposal when they fell vacant through the death or promotion of the previous holder. […] In each otu there were two main grades of titles—ekhaɛnbhɛn and eghaɛbho. […] However, promotion was not automatic. The death of a senior chief did not mean that all those below him moved up one step. All titles were open to competition each time they fell vacant. […] wealth and family tradition combined to produce something in the nature of an hereditary aristocracy of retainers, through the generations of which administrative and political skills were passed down. Yet, at any one time, all ranks of the palace associations included a leavening of ‘new men’ who had risen from lowly origins. The strength of the palace organization as an instrument of centralization and stability lay, in part at least, in the way it thus combined a solid core of continuity with an open system of recruitment.” ^[2] “Unlike the Uzama, who were hereditary nobles, the Town Chiefs were commoners who, by their enterprise and the Oba’s favour, had risen to positions of power.” ^[3]

[1]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 20. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[2]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 21–22. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[3]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 25–26. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

Full Time Bureaucrat:
present

Confident

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“The Eghaevbo n’Ore constituted the civil authority of the state and the Eghaevbo n’Ogbe was the palace bureaucracy.” ^[1] “During the reign of Oba Ewuare the Great (ca.1440-1473), the political, among other reforms which he introduced, transformed the character of the kingdom of Benin. The four central political institutions of the state were firmly established. These were the institutions of the Oba, the Uzama, the Eghaevbo n’Ore and Eghaevbo n’Ogbe that constituted the state council. The Eghaevbo n’Ore, that is, the Town Chiefs constituted the civil authority while the Eghaevbo n’Ogbe, the Palace Chiefs constituted the palace bureaucracy. The Uzama were the elders of the state (the Senate in contemporary parliament?) while the Oba was the king.” ^[2]

[1]: Osadolor, O. B. (2001). The Military System of Benin Kingdom, c.1440–1897. University of Hamburg, Germany: 82–83. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/N4RZF5H5/collection

[2]: Osadolor, O. B. (2001). The Military System of Benin Kingdom, c.1440–1897. University of Hamburg, Germany: 233. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/N4RZF5H5/collection

Law

Formal Legal Code:
present

Inferred

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At least in the core of the Benin Empire: “In independent Benin Kingdom, for example, there were well thought-out rules in that meant the most salient criteria of modern law. Although it was unwritten, the body of law in Benin Kingdom was well known by the people as its principles were expressed in proverbs, fables and other forms of documentation and it ’was latent in the breasts of the court remembrances and engraved in the mind of the leadership classes who could say the position of the law at any instance. Omoniyi Adewoye points out that the fact that some laws were not written does not make them ’less real than the written codes of continental Europe’.” ^[1] “Egharevba asserts that the laws in Benin had fixed punishment for various crimes. Perjury, larceny, receiving stolen property, manslaughter, burglary and false accusation were punishable by heavy fine or imprisonment, while the more serious offences such as murder, rape, sorcery, witchcraft, spying, malicious administering of medicines, the practising of quack remedies and treason were punishable by execution, banishment or sometimes only imprisonment. Conspiracy to steal, murder, or to undermine the law of the land was considered a serious offence, and the culprit would be punished by flogging, binding, heavy fine or long term of imprisonment. These rules governing the Onotueyevbo’s relations with the districts and other evidence of the availability of sound laws in Benin kingdom in addition to these penal codes clearly showed that there were laws in pre-colonial Benin kingdom.” ^[2]

[1]: Ojo, I. O. (2020). The Nature of Laws and Law Making in Precolonial Benin. Polac Historical Review (PHR), 4(1), 89–103: 90. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/PEIZ5U3P/collection

[2]: Ojo, I. O. (2020). The Nature of Laws and Law Making in Precolonial Benin. Polac Historical Review (PHR), 4(1), 89–103: 99. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/PEIZ5U3P/collection

Court:
present

Confident

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The more important enigie conferred titles on their ‘palace’ officials and on their agents in the subordinate villages. They had rights to game and tribute and they held courts for the settlement of disputes between their subjects. Having some of the attributes of kingship, they were the focus of rituals patterned on, though less elaborate than, those which took place at the Oba’s palace.” ^[1] “Unlike the Oba’s Ishan, Yoruba, or Ibo vassals, the enigie of the Benin kingdom lacked the authority to put their subjects to death; all capital offences committed in their chiefdoms had to be referred to the Oba’s court.” ^[2] “From the point of view of his ‘subjects’ the fief-holder was their official sponsor through whom they could communicate requests, complaints, and disputes to the Oba. Benin villagers strongly maintain that their sponsors had no judicial authority over them, but, while they had no official courts, it is clear that they did often settle disputes without bringing them to the Oba’s notice.” ^[3]

[1]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 9. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[2]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 10. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[3]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 11. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

Specialized Buildings: polity owned

Market:
present

Confident

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“Overseas goods, such as guns, powder, salt, and cloth, were obtained at the river ‘beaches’ on the south-west fringes of the kingdom from European merchants and Itsekiri middlemen, who, in return, bought Benin palm-oil, kernels, ivory, vegetable gums, and, in earlier times, slaves. The European goods were head-loaded to inland markets along well defined routes, the return traffic being in slaves, livestock, stone beads (from Ilorin), leather, and other commodities. This long distance trade was controlled by various trading associations, each operating in a different direction.” ^[1] “Nyendael did, nevertheless, commend the Bini’s dye-making processes, their soaps, and their cotton cloths; and he asserted that "the king hath a very rich income." He also stated that Benin City was "at least four miles large. The streets are prodigiously long and broad, in which continual markets are kept. "” ^[2]

[1]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 6. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[2]: Graham, J. D. (1965). The Slave Trade, Depopulation and Human Sacrifice in Benin History: The General Approach. Cahiers d’Études Africaines, 5(18), 317–334: 325. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/4AS9CVZH/collection

Food Storage Site:
present

Confident

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“The palace was the religious and administrative centre of the nation. The Oba’s living quarters were incapsulated in a vast assemblage of council halls, shrines, storehouses, and workshops surrounded by a high compound wall.” ^[1] “Tribute in yams, etc., was stored partly by the Iwɛguae, who catered for the Oba’s personal household and for the feasts he gave his chiefs; and partly by the Ibiwe, who were responsible for the provisioning of the wives’ quarters.” ^[2]

[1]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 18. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[2]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 23. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

Utilitarian Public Building:
present

Confident

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Markets, food storage sites. “Nyendael did, nevertheless, commend the Bini’s dye-making processes, their soaps, and their cotton cloths; and he asserted that "the king hath a very rich income." He also stated that Benin City was "at least four miles large. The streets are prodigiously long and broad, in which continual markets are kept. "” ^[1] “Tribute in yams, etc., was stored partly by the Iwɛguae, who catered for the Oba’s personal household and for the feasts he gave his chiefs; and partly by the Ibiwe, who were responsible for the provisioning of the wives’ quarters.” ^[2]

[1]: Graham, J. D. (1965). The Slave Trade, Depopulation and Human Sacrifice in Benin History: The General Approach. Cahiers d’Études Africaines, 5(18), 317–334: 325. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/4AS9CVZH/collection

[2]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 23. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

Transport Infrastructure

Road:
present

Confident

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In section on period 1440CE–1600CE: “[I]t was not only in war that the strategy and logistical principles were given considerations. It was also reflected in the plans for the defence of Benin City, with fortified walls and moats, which afforded maximum control of the road networks that led to the nine gates of the City.” ^[1]

[1]: Osadolor, O. B. (2001). The Military System of Benin Kingdom, c.1440–1897. University of Hamburg, Germany: 119. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/N4RZF5H5/collection

Port:
present

Confident

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“It seems that the slave trade at Gwato, the port of Benin proper, was only active for approximately thirty years after the opening of the Portuguese factory there, in 1486.” ^[1]

[1]: Graham, J. D. (1965). The Slave Trade, Depopulation and Human Sacrifice in Benin History: The General Approach. Cahiers d’Études Africaines, 5(18), 317–334. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/4AS9CVZH/collection

Bridge:
present

Confident

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“Since the thirteenth century, as Egharevba explains, “every Oba has to cross a bridge at Isekherhe quarter on his coronation day, and on the seventh day, fight with Ogiamien in memory of the victory of that day.”” ^[1]

[1]: Osadolor, O. B. (2001). The Military System of Benin Kingdom, c.1440–1897. University of Hamburg, Germany: 62. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/N4RZF5H5/collection

Special-purpose Sites

Special Purpose Site:
present

Inferred

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Burial sites. Reference to bronzes comparable to burial bronzes from Igbo-Ukwa: “T. Shaw made some astonishing discoveries at Igbo-Ukwu (east of the Niger, Awka District). Prominent among the findings is the burial chamber of a dignitary which was dated to about A.D. 900 (Shaw 1979). There is no evidence of connections between the Igbo-Ukwu culture, whose origins are not known up till now, and Benin. The Igbo-Ukwu bronzes show no stylistic similarity to those known from Ife and Benin.” ^[1]

[1]: Bondarenko, Dmitri M., and Peter M. Roese. ‘Benin Prehistory: The Origin and Settling down of the Edo’. Anthropos 94, no. 4/6 (1999): 542–52:549. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Y4V3D623/collection

Burial Site:
present

Inferred

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Reference to bronzes comparable to burial bronzes from Igbo-Ukwa: “T. Shaw made some astonishing discoveries at Igbo-Ukwu (east of the Niger, Awka District). Prominent among the findings is the burial chamber of a dignitary which was dated to about A.D. 900 (Shaw 1979). There is no evidence of connections between the Igbo-Ukwu culture, whose origins are not known up till now, and Benin. The Igbo-Ukwu bronzes show no stylistic similarity to those known from Ife and Benin.” ^[1]

Information / Writing System

Written Record:
absent

Inferred

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“Since the end of the 15th century, a great deal of material about Benin has been supplied by sailors, traders, etc., returning to Europe. However, information on the Edo people before this date is very difficult to obtain, as there was no written record and the oral record is at best rather fragmentary.” ^[1] “The theme of this study presses the sources for the reconstruction of Benin military history to its limits because written documents scarcely exist, except for the reports and accounts of European visitors.” ^[2]

[1]: Bondarenko, Dmitri M., and Peter M. Roese. ‘Benin Prehistory: The Origin and Settling down of the Edo’. Anthropos 94, no. 4/6 (1999): 542–52: 542. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Y4V3D623/collection

[2]: Osadolor, O. B. (2001). The Military System of Benin Kingdom, c.1440–1897. University of Hamburg, Germany: 27–28. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/N4RZF5H5/collection

Script:
absent

Inferred

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Phonetic Alphabetic Writing:
absent

Inferred

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Non Phonetic Writing:
absent

Inferred

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Information / Kinds of Written Documents

Scientific Literature:
absent

Inferred

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Sacred Text:
absent

Inferred

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Religious Literature:
absent

Inferred

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Practical Literature:
absent

Inferred

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Philosophy:
absent

Inferred

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Lists Tables and Classification:
absent

Inferred

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History:
absent

Inferred

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Fiction:
absent

Inferred

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Calendar:
absent

Inferred

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Information / Money

Token:
present

Confident

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Cowry shells: “All three associations were concerned with palace revenues and stores. The Iwebo had charge of the Oba’s reserves of cowrie shells, beads, cloth, and other trade goods.” ^[1] “The reign of Oba Esigie witnessed the increasing monetisation of the enclave economy (cowries), and provided the opportunity for the development of "institutionalized mechanisms of exploitation" (Belasco 1980, 81-82). The palace control of cowries and the elite domination of commercial development in the administrative and economic enclaves provided the final element in the emergence of the dual economy. The capital and commercial centres had developed highly sophisticated and well-organised monetary exchange systems. However, the vassal villages in the empire remained relatively static, with little circulation of either commercial consumer goods or currency forms (cowries or manillas).” ^[2] “Belasco (1980) argues that strung cowries provided for "a) trade goods standardization and thereby a means of channeling production to state-defined ends, b) for administering exchange rates and terms of trade, c) for draining wealth out of the social and ritual cycle, d) for enabling trade transactions of ever increasing volume and variety, and e) by its circulation, for the introduction of local autonomous markets to trans-local, state run trade channels."” ^[3] “De Barros, in the middle of the sixteenth century, wrote: ‘With these shells for ballast, many ships are laden for Bengal and Siam, where they are used for money just as we use small copper coin for buying things of little value. And even to this Kingdom of Portugal, or three thousand quintals are brought by way of ballast; they are then exported to Guinea, and the kingdoms of Benin and Congo, where also they are used for money.’” ^[4] Johnson, M. (1970). The Cowrie Currencies of West Africa. Part I. The Journal of African History, 11(1), 17–49: 19–20. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/XZMB8INB/collection

[1]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 23. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection

[2]: Sargent, R. A. (1986). From A Redistribution to an Imperial Social Formation: Benin c.1293-1536. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 20(3), 402–427: 421. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AUEZSTBR/collection

[3]: Sargent, R. A. (1986). From A Redistribution to an Imperial Social Formation: Benin c.1293-1536. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 20(3), 402–427: 426. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AUEZSTBR/collection

[4]:

Precious Metal:
absent

Inferred

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The following quote suggests that the main form of currency was cowrie shells. “The reign of Oba Esigie witnessed the increasing monetisation of the enclave economy (cowries), and provided the opportunity for the development of "institutionalized mechanisms of exploitation" (Belasco 1980, 81-82). The palace control of cowries and the elite domination of commercial development in the administrative and economic enclaves provided the final element in the emergence of the dual economy. The capital and commercial centres had developed highly sophisticated and well-organised monetary exchange systems. However, the vassal villages in the empire remained relatively static, with little circulation of either commercial consumer goods or currency forms (cowries or manillas).” ^[1]

[1]: Sargent, R. A. (1986). From A Redistribution to an Imperial Social Formation: Benin c.1293-1536. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 20(3), 402–427: 421. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AUEZSTBR/collection

Paper Currency:
absent

Inferred

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[1]: Sargent, R. A. (1986). From A Redistribution to an Imperial Social Formation: Benin c.1293-1536. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 20(3), 402–427: 421. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AUEZSTBR/collection

Indigenous Coin:
absent

Inferred

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[1]: Sargent, R. A. (1986). From A Redistribution to an Imperial Social Formation: Benin c.1293-1536. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 20(3), 402–427: 421. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AUEZSTBR/collection

Foreign Coin:
absent

Inferred

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[1]: Sargent, R. A. (1986). From A Redistribution to an Imperial Social Formation: Benin c.1293-1536. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 20(3), 402–427: 421. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AUEZSTBR/collection

Information / Postal System

Information / Measurement System

Warfare Variables (Military Technologies)

Fortifications

Military use of Metals

Projectiles

Handheld weapons

Animals used in warfare

Armor

Naval technology

Human Sacrifice Data

Human Sacrifice is the deliberate and ritualized killing of a person to please or placate supernatural entities (including gods, spirits, and ancestors) or gain other supernatural benefits.

Coding in Progress.

Crisis Cases

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Coding in Progress.

Power Transitions

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Benin Empire

General Description D

NGA Settlements:

Home NGA: None

Human Sacrifice is the deliberate and ritualized killing of a person to please or placate supernatural entities (including gods, spirits, and ancestors) or gain other supernatural benefits.