The Early Intermediate Period of Andean history lasted from 400 BCE to 550 CE,
[1]
and is known for the emergence of regional forms of political organization, such as the Moche in northern Peru (100-800 CE) and the Nazca in the Rio Grande de Nazca and Ica regions (100 BC-800 CE). In the Cuzco Valley, this period saw the development of numerous chiefdoms of varying sizes.
[2]
One of these polities is known as Qotakalli (200-500 CE),
[3]
and may have controlled an area of up to 1000 square kilometres.
[4]
The period also saw a change in settlement patterns. Wimpillay no longer dominated the valley, as several new large sites grew in the west of the basin, with a possible large settlement under the modern city of Cusco.
[5]
New settlements grew along the lower valley slopes below 3500 metres above sea level, which archaeologist Brian Bauer interprets as evidence for population growth and a possible shift in the valley’s economy towards maize production.
[6]
In the Lucre Basin further to the east, the Chanapata culture still flourished in the form of small farming villages until 600 CE: Chanapata ceramics were found in the lowest strata during excavations at the site of Choquepukio.
[7]
These polities may have centred around the sites of Choquepukio and Mama Qolda.
[5]
Furthermore, the presence of Pucara ceramics and early Tiwanaku-related wares indicate possible contacts between the Cuzco Valley polities and the Titicaca cultural sphere, perhaps through trade, but not through political assimilation.
[7]
[8]
Population and political organization
Although the population of the region during this period is currently impossible to determine, it is worth mentioning that 16 Qotakalli sites with an area of between 1 and 5 hectares have been surveyed, as well as 35 sites between 0.25 and 1 hectares,
[9]
suggesting a possible two-tiered settlement pattern.
[10]
The density of sites near modern Cuzco may indicate various groups of elite households interacting with each other within the Qotakalli chiefdom.
[5]
[1]: (Bauer 2004, 12) Brian S. Bauer. 2004. Ancient Cuzco: Heartland of the Inca. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.
[2]: (Bauer 2004, 54) Brian S. Bauer. 2004. Ancient Cuzco: Heartland of the Inca. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.
[3]: (Bauer 2004, 47) Brian S. Bauer. 2004. Ancient Cuzco: Heartland of the Inca. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.
[4]: (Covey 2006, 59) Alan R. Covey. 2006. How the Incas Built Their Heartland: State Formation and the Innovation of Imperial Strategies in the Sacred Valley, Peru. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.
[5]: (Bauer 2004, 52) Brian S. Bauer. 2004. Ancient Cuzco: Heartland of the Inca. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.
[6]: (Bauer 2004, 53) Brian S. Bauer. 2004. Ancient Cuzco: Heartland of the Inca. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.
[7]: (McEwan 2006, 88) Gordon F. McEwan. 2006. ’Inca State Origins: Collapse and Regeneration in the Southern Peruvian Andes’, in After Collapse: The Regeneration of Complex Societies, edited by Glenn M. Schwartz and John J. Nichols, 85-98. Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press.
[8]: (Bauer 2004, 143) Brian S. Bauer. 2004. Ancient Cuzco: Heartland of the Inca. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.
[9]: (Covey 2006, 60) Alan R. Covey. 2006. How the Incas Built Their Heartland: State Formation and the Innovation of Imperial Strategies in the Sacred Valley, Peru. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.
[10]: (Bauer 2004, 51) Brian S. Bauer. 2004. Ancient Cuzco: Heartland of the Inca. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.
| alliance with [---] |
| Lake Titicaca cultural sphere |
| PeCuzE2 |
| continuity |
| Succeeding: Cuzco - Early Intermediate II (pe_cuzco_3) [absorption] | |
| Preceding: Cuzco - Late Formative (pe_cuzco_1) [continuity] |
| none |
| unknown |
| unknown |
| unknown |
| inferred present | 200 CE 399 CE |
| present | 400 CE 500 CE |
| absent |
| unknown |
| inferred absent | 200 CE 399 CE |
| absent | 400 CE 500 CE |
| unknown |
| unknown |
| absent |
| absent |
| Year Range | Cuzco - Early Intermediate I (pe_cuzco_2) was in: |
|---|---|
| (200 CE 499 CE) | Cuzco |
"Although the site of Wimpillay is still relatively large, it no longer dominates the settlement pattern of the Cuzco Basin as it did in Late Formative times. Instead, what we see is a greater overall density of large sites at the western end of the Cuzco Basin.[...]The location of these large Qotakalli Period sites surrounding Cuzco suggests that there may also have been a large village in the area now covered by the city."
[1]
Language
[1]: (Bauer 2004, 52)
"Like other recent authors working in the Cuzco region (e.g. Zapata 1998), I have elected to call the period of time between the advent of ceramic production and the appearance of Qotakalli pottery in the Cuzco region the Formative Period."
[1]
Brian Bauer refers to the period between AD 200 and AD 600 as the Qotakalli Period, and to him, the Chanapata ceramic style was used in what we have coded as the Wimpillay polity (1-200 CE).
[2]
Gordon McEwan refers to the period before the arrival of the Wari (c. 600 CE) as Chanapata.
[3]
[1]: (Bauer 2004, 39)
[2]: (Bauer 2004, x)
[3]: (McEwan 2006b, 88)
"Like other recent authors working in the Cuzco region (e.g. Zapata 1998), I have elected to call the period of time between the advent of ceramic production and the appearance of Qotakalli pottery in the Cuzco region the Formative Period."
[1]
Brian Bauer refers to the period between AD 200 and AD 600 as the Qotakalli Period, and to him, the Chanapata ceramic style was used in what we have coded as the Wimpillay polity (1-200 CE).
[2]
Gordon McEwan refers to the period before the arrival of the Wari (c. 600 CE) as Chanapata.
[3]
[1]: (Bauer 2004, 39)
[2]: (Bauer 2004, x)
[3]: (McEwan 2006b, 88)
"Like other recent authors working in the Cuzco region (e.g. Zapata 1998), I have elected to call the period of time between the advent of ceramic production and the appearance of Qotakalli pottery in the Cuzco region the Formative Period."
[1]
Brian Bauer refers to the period between AD 200 and AD 600 as the Qotakalli Period, and to him, the Chanapata ceramic style was used in what we have coded as the Wimpillay polity (1-200 CE).
[2]
Gordon McEwan refers to the period before the arrival of the Wari (c. 600 CE) as Chanapata.
[3]
[1]: (Bauer 2004, 39)
[2]: (Bauer 2004, x)
[3]: (McEwan 2006b, 88)
Bauer refers to 200-600 CE as the Qotakalli period
[1]
and Covey states that Qotakalli appeared c.400 CE
[2]
Coded to 500 CE, chosen as an arbitrary date to coincide with the next polity, coded as ’Qotakalli’ using an earlier chronology from 1999, established by Bauer on the basis of ceramic analyses:
Ceramic sequence for Cuzco region gives a date range from 500 CE to 800 CE with the core period 550-650 CE.
[3]
In the Lucre Basin, the Chanapata phase seems to start earlier, or the distinction with the previous quasi-polity has not been made: "The earliest stratum encountered in recent excavations at the Cuzco Valley site of Choquepukio has revealed a Chanapata occupation dating from approximately 350 BC to AD 600."
[4]
Brian Bauer chronology:
[5]
Late Formative
500 BCE - 200 CE
Chanapata ceramic style, the first pre-Inca ceramic style of the Cuzco region
"during this period a clear settlement hierarchy developed."
[6]
(Note by RA: Brian Bauer refers to the period between AD 200 and AD 600 as the Qotakalli Period, and to him, the Chanapata ceramic style was used in what we have coded as the Wimpillay polity (1-200 CE).
[5]
Gordon McEwan refers to the period before the arrival of the Wari (c. 600 CE) as Chanapata.
[4]
)
Bauer’s ceramic chronology from 1999:
[3]
"400 BCE - 370 CE. Early Intermediate Period begins. Chavín cult disappears, and new regional traditions assert themselves. Nazca and Moche cultures flourish. The Cuzco Valley is occupied by the Chanapata culture."
[7]
[1]: (Bauer 2004, 47)
[2]: (Covey 2006, 59)
[3]: (Bauer 1999, 144)
[4]: (McEwan 2006b, 88)
[5]: (Bauer 2004, x)
[6]: (Bauer 2004, 44)
[7]: (McEwan 2006a, 203)
Bauer, when describing the 200-600 CE period: "When the Wari entered the Cuzco region they encountered thriving local societies. [...] numerous chiefdoms had developed across the region. The largest and most powerful of these were located in the areas of greatest agricultural production, including the Plain of Anta, the Cuzco Basin, the Lucre Basin and the Huaro Basin. Elsewhere, smaller chiefdoms also developed. Depending on their locations, these were most likely in a constant state of conflict or alliance formation with the large polities of the region." [1]
[1]: (Bauer 2004, 54)
Although Bauer and McEwan propose different names for the cultures of the Cuzco Valley and Chanapata can either designate a previous polity, or the polity preceding the Wari, there is a sense of continuity for the polities of the Cuzco Valley before the arrival of the Wari. "In the Cuzco region at this time, there was a culture called Chanapata by archaeologists. The Chanapata peoples are little known and in many respects seem to be a continuation of the preceding Marcavalle culture." [1]
[1]: (McEwan 2006a, 35)
The boundaries between this polity and the previous one in terms of chronology are unclear, as Bauer refers to 200-600 CE as the Qotakalli period [1] and Covey states that Qotakalli appeared c.400 CE [2] . Moreover, Covey refers to a settlement shift after 400 CE in the Sacred Valley (within the NGA): before 400 CE, he says there was a small chiefdom with a three-tiered settlement hierarchy, and another one in the Cuzco Basin; and after 400 CE the large villages were abandoned and new ones built at about 3500m. In the Sacred Valley the abandoned sites represent 70% of the sample. In the new sites, Qotakalli pottery was found. [3] Depending on the chronology used, there would either be continuity or cultural assimilation of the previous polity in the Qotakalli circa 400 CE.
[1]: (Bauer 2004, 47)
[2]: (Covey 2006, 59)
[3]: (Covey 2006, 60-63)
Although Bauer and McEwan propose different names for the cultures of the Cuzco Valley and Chanapata can either designate a previous polity, or the polity preceding the Wari, there is a sense of continuity for the polities of the Cuzco Valley before the arrival of the Wari. "In the Cuzco region at this time, there was a culture called Chanapata by archaeologists. The Chanapata peoples are little known and in many respects seem to be a continuation of the preceding Marcavalle culture." [1]
[1]: (McEwan 2006a, 35)
[1]
"Fig. 4.2. Qotakalli sites in the Cusco Basin (after AD 400)" redrawn from Bauer.
[2]
Qotakalli sites in the Cuzco Basin
1-5 ha sites: 16
0.25-1 ha sites: 35
There was a greater density of large sites at the Western end of the Cuzco Basin, with a cluster around the modern Cuzco city area. It is possible there is a large Qotakalli era village under Cuzco.
[3]
The largest site may have covered 5 hectares or more.
Information copied from the following polity sheet (Qotakalli) as the data comes from Bauer 2004 and Covey 2006. To Bauer, Qotakalli goes from 200-600CE, and Covey refers to the period between 400-600CE.
[1]: (Brian Bauer 2015, personal communication)
[2]: (Covey 2006, 60 cite: Bauer 2004)
[3]: (Bauer 2004, 52)
in squared kilometers
"The Qotakalli chiefdom may have covered an area roughly 50 km (31 mi) in diameter"
[1]
"The distribution of Qotakalli pottery suggests the precence of a complex prestate polity in the Cusco region that might have controlled an area of up to 1000 square kilometers."
[2]
Northern border likely was the Vilcanota river.
"... percentage of Qotakalli materials dramatically diminishes on the far, or northern, side of the Vilcanota River. This suggests ... the influence of Cuzco waned at the river during the Qotakalli Period."
[3]
Southern border likely was the Apurimac river
"the number of sites that contain Qotakalli ceramics declines as one leaves the Cuzco Basin and enters the Province of Paruro. They all but disappear on the far, or southern, side of the Apurimac River."
[4]
Western border was the Anta plain
There was an independent chiefdom on the Anta plain.
[4]
Eastern border was the Lucre Basin
Possible chiefly centres in the Lucre Basin at two large sites, Chokepukio and Mama Qolda.
[4]
Information copied from the following polity sheet (Qotakalli) as the data comes from Bauer 2004 and Covey 2006. To Bauer, Qotakalli goes from 200-600CE, and Covey refers to the period between 400-600CE."The distribution of Qotakalli pottery suggests the precence of a complex prestate polity in the Cusco region that might have controlled an area of up to 1000 square kilometers."
[2]
The area described as the "Hypothesized area under the influence of Cuzco-based chiefdom during the Qotakalli Period (AD 200-600)" is equivalent to about 700 square kilometers.
[1]: (Quilter 2013, 193)
[2]: (Covey 2006, 59)
[3]: (Bauer 2004, 52 cite: Covey)
[4]: (Bauer 2004, 52)
in squared kilometers
"The Qotakalli chiefdom may have covered an area roughly 50 km (31 mi) in diameter"
[1]
"The distribution of Qotakalli pottery suggests the precence of a complex prestate polity in the Cusco region that might have controlled an area of up to 1000 square kilometers."
[2]
Northern border likely was the Vilcanota river.
"... percentage of Qotakalli materials dramatically diminishes on the far, or northern, side of the Vilcanota River. This suggests ... the influence of Cuzco waned at the river during the Qotakalli Period."
[3]
Southern border likely was the Apurimac river
"the number of sites that contain Qotakalli ceramics declines as one leaves the Cuzco Basin and enters the Province of Paruro. They all but disappear on the far, or southern, side of the Apurimac River."
[4]
Western border was the Anta plain
There was an independent chiefdom on the Anta plain.
[4]
Eastern border was the Lucre Basin
Possible chiefly centres in the Lucre Basin at two large sites, Chokepukio and Mama Qolda.
[4]
Information copied from the following polity sheet (Qotakalli) as the data comes from Bauer 2004 and Covey 2006. To Bauer, Qotakalli goes from 200-600CE, and Covey refers to the period between 400-600CE."The distribution of Qotakalli pottery suggests the precence of a complex prestate polity in the Cusco region that might have controlled an area of up to 1000 square kilometers."
[2]
The area described as the "Hypothesized area under the influence of Cuzco-based chiefdom during the Qotakalli Period (AD 200-600)" is equivalent to about 700 square kilometers.
[1]: (Quilter 2013, 193)
[2]: (Covey 2006, 59)
[3]: (Bauer 2004, 52 cite: Covey)
[4]: (Bauer 2004, 52)
in squared kilometers
"The Qotakalli chiefdom may have covered an area roughly 50 km (31 mi) in diameter"
[1]
"The distribution of Qotakalli pottery suggests the precence of a complex prestate polity in the Cusco region that might have controlled an area of up to 1000 square kilometers."
[2]
Northern border likely was the Vilcanota river.
"... percentage of Qotakalli materials dramatically diminishes on the far, or northern, side of the Vilcanota River. This suggests ... the influence of Cuzco waned at the river during the Qotakalli Period."
[3]
Southern border likely was the Apurimac river
"the number of sites that contain Qotakalli ceramics declines as one leaves the Cuzco Basin and enters the Province of Paruro. They all but disappear on the far, or southern, side of the Apurimac River."
[4]
Western border was the Anta plain
There was an independent chiefdom on the Anta plain.
[4]
Eastern border was the Lucre Basin
Possible chiefly centres in the Lucre Basin at two large sites, Chokepukio and Mama Qolda.
[4]
Information copied from the following polity sheet (Qotakalli) as the data comes from Bauer 2004 and Covey 2006. To Bauer, Qotakalli goes from 200-600CE, and Covey refers to the period between 400-600CE."The distribution of Qotakalli pottery suggests the precence of a complex prestate polity in the Cusco region that might have controlled an area of up to 1000 square kilometers."
[2]
The area described as the "Hypothesized area under the influence of Cuzco-based chiefdom during the Qotakalli Period (AD 200-600)" is equivalent to about 700 square kilometers.
[1]: (Quilter 2013, 193)
[2]: (Covey 2006, 59)
[3]: (Bauer 2004, 52 cite: Covey)
[4]: (Bauer 2004, 52)
[1]
"Fig. 4.2. Qotakalli sites in the Cusco Basin (after AD 400)" redrawn from Bauer.
[2]
Qotakalli sites in the Cuzco Basin
1-5 ha sites: 16
0.25-1 ha sites: 35
If the 16 largest sites average 2.5 ha, and the 35 smallest sites averaged 0.625 ha Qotakalli sites cover a total of 61.875 ha.
"Strong population growth occurred during this period" as revealed by settlement pattern data.
[3]
Information copied from the following polity sheet (Qotakalli) as the data comes from Bauer 2004 and Covey 2006. To Bauer, Qotakalli goes from 200-600CE, and Covey refers to the period between 400-600CE.
[1]: (Brian Bauer 2015, personal communication)
[2]: (Covey 2006, 60 cite: Bauer 2004)
[3]: (Bauer 2004, 54)
levels.
1. Large village (1-5 ha): Cluster of villages near the modern location of Cuzco. "The location of these large Qotakalli Period sites surrounding Cuzco suggests that there may also have been a large village in the area now covered by the city. Based on these findings, it is proposed that local power was concentrated in the western end of the Cuzco Basin during the Qotakalli Period. In other words, although there was a continuation of a chiefly society in the basin from Late Formative times to the Qotakalli Period, the loci of elite occupation may have shifted slightly from the single site of Wimpillay to a dense array of sites in the area where Cuzco is now. The cluster of sites in this area during the Qotakalli Period suggests that the power and wealth of the valley may have become divided between groups of elite households located in a series of separated but closely spaced kin-based (i.e. ayllu) settlements."
[1]
2. Secondary center "Settlements were more numerous near the best agricultural land, and a site hierarchy suggests that social organization may have been complex with secondary centers beyond the immediate vicinity of Cuzco."
[2]
3. Small village (<1ha)
"While most of the sites with Qotakalli ceramics are small, we estimate that at least 14 Qotakalli sites in the basin were villages measuring 1-5 ha."
[3]
[1]: (Bauer 2004, 52)
[2]: (Quilter 2013, 193)
[3]: (Covey and Bauer 2013, 543)
There probably was no formal legal code as writing was not developed until the arrival of the Spanish. "There was no true writing system in the Andes prior to the arrival of the Spanish, notwithstanding recent interpretations of the quipu (see Quilter and Urton 2002) and the tocapu pictograms." [1]
[1]: (Hiltunen and McEwan 2004, 236)
According to Alan Covey: "No evidence of money. I don’t know how one would document “markets”—in the exchange sense or the spatial sense? There is not enough evidence to evaluate exchange systems in the Cuzco region before Inca times, and the study of Inca exchange is steeped in substantivist/Marxian ideology that downplays exchange." [1]
[1]: (Alan Covey 2015, personal communication)
"For more than a thousand years, the peoples of the Cuzco region had obtained their obsidian from sources located in the Alca region. During the Wari Period, when Wari occupied parts of the Cuzco region, the obsidian flow from this source stopped." [1] This suggests that the Cuzco people did not have their own obsidian quarries.
[1]: (Bauer 2004, 68)
No khipus have been found in the archaeological record dating to this period.
According to Alan Covey: "No evidence of money. I don’t know how one would document “markets”—in the exchange sense or the spatial sense? There is not enough evidence to evaluate exchange systems in the Cuzco region before Inca times, and the study of Inca exchange is steeped in substantivist/Marxian ideology that downplays exchange." [1]
[1]: (Alan Covey 2015, personal communication)
According to Alan Covey: "No evidence of money. I don’t know how one would document “markets”—in the exchange sense or the spatial sense? There is not enough evidence to evaluate exchange systems in the Cuzco region before Inca times, and the study of Inca exchange is steeped in substantivist/Marxian ideology that downplays exchange." [1]
[1]: (Alan Covey 2015, personal communication)
According to Alan Covey: "No evidence of money. I don’t know how one would document “markets”—in the exchange sense or the spatial sense? There is not enough evidence to evaluate exchange systems in the Cuzco region before Inca times, and the study of Inca exchange is steeped in substantivist/Marxian ideology that downplays exchange." [1]
[1]: (Alan Covey 2015, personal communication)
"Other sites with Qotakalli pottery are found in the Sacred Valley, as well as in its larger side valleys. The sites in the main valley tend to be quite small and are usually located 200 to 300 meters above the valley floor, in areas with natural defense that are close to small streams." [1] For Covey, Qotakalli designates the period after c.400 CE. [2] AD: coded as inferred present in the period 200-400 CE. Despite the lack of archaeological confirmation, the presence of settlements in a defensive position can be inferred from the continuity between 200-400 and 400-500CE, which are considered the same period by Bauer.
[1]: (Covey 2006, 66)
[2]: (Covey 2006, 59)
"Other sites with Qotakalli pottery are found in the Sacred Valley, as well as in its larger side valleys. The sites in the main valley tend to be quite small and are usually located 200 to 300 meters above the valley floor, in areas with natural defense that are close to small streams." [1] For Covey, Qotakalli designates the period after c.400 CE. [2] AD: coded as inferred present in the period 200-400 CE. Despite the lack of archaeological confirmation, the presence of settlements in a defensive position can be inferred from the continuity between 200-400 and 400-500CE, which are considered the same period by Bauer.
[1]: (Covey 2006, 66)
[2]: (Covey 2006, 59)
Although there is no information on the warfare of this period, it is highly unlikely the resources were available for this technology.
"Most sites are located in places that are better suited to farming than community defense, and the distribution of Qotakalli pottery to the level of hamlets suggests a high degree of interaction between settlements within the Cusco Basin." [1] For Covey, Qotakalli designates the period after c.400 CE. [2] AD: coded as inferred absent in the period 200-400 CE. Despite the lack of archaeological confirmation, the absence of fortified camps can be inferred from the continuity between 200-400 and 400-500CE, which are considered the same period by Bauer.
[1]: (Covey 2006, 60)
[2]: (Covey 2006, 59)
"Most sites are located in places that are better suited to farming than community defense, and the distribution of Qotakalli pottery to the level of hamlets suggests a high degree of interaction between settlements within the Cusco Basin." [1] For Covey, Qotakalli designates the period after c.400 CE. [2] AD: coded as inferred absent in the period 200-400 CE. Despite the lack of archaeological confirmation, the absence of fortified camps can be inferred from the continuity between 200-400 and 400-500CE, which are considered the same period by Bauer.
[1]: (Covey 2006, 60)
[2]: (Covey 2006, 59)
Although there is no information on the warfare of this period, it is highly unlikely the resources were available for this technology.
There was no steel/iron before the arrival of the Spanish.
There was no steel/iron before the arrival of the Spanish.
Although there is no information on the warfare of this period, it is highly unlikely the resources were available for this technology.
Although there is no information on the warfare of this period, it is highly unlikely the resources were available for this technology.
Projectile points had been found in earlier periods.
There was no gunpowder before the arrival of the Spanish.
There was no gunpowder before the arrival of the Spanish.
Although there is no information on the warfare of this period, it is highly unlikely the resources were available for this technology.
this technology has not been found in the Americas
Although there is no information on the warfare of this period, it is highly unlikely the resources were available for this technology.
Dogs existed in Peru but no evidence to say whether they were used for warfare
Although there is no information on the warfare of this period, it is highly unlikely the resources were available for this technology.
Although there is no information on the warfare of this period, it is highly unlikely the resources were available for this technology.
Although there is no information on the warfare of this period, it is highly unlikely the resources were available for this technology.
Although there is no information on the warfare of this period, it is highly unlikely the resources were available for this technology.
Small size of polity implies that there was no significant naval military activity.
Small size of polity implies that there was no significant naval military activity.